【明報專訊】國家廣電總局日前向全國各地方電視台下發「整改令」，禁止情感類節目低俗化。繼深圳衛視《超級情感對對碰》去年被停播後，由上海電視台製作的《心靈花園》，下月起也將告別熒幕，而各地同類電視節目也將陸續停播。
獵取他人隱私甚至造假
上海《新聞晨報》報道，作為靠獵取他人「隱私」的情感類電視節目，《心靈花園》兩年多前開播後便受到觀眾追捧，而湖南衛視台的《真情》、江蘇衛視台的《人間》、中央教育三台的《情感方程式》等同類節目也陸續開播。
隨同類節目增多，一些節目為令內容更加吸引觀眾，不但選擇曲折離奇、令人匪夷所思的個案，而且愈來愈多的「製作技巧」被引入節目中，甚至一些節目發展到為博收視率造假現象。對此，國家廣電總局在「整改令」中明確要求，應避免低俗化節目愈演愈烈。
2008年12月24日星期三
三鹿破產 千商討10億欠款 400人門前示威 防暴警察出動
示威者手持國旗高呼口號，當局出動防暴警察到現場戒備。（電視畫面）
三鹿奶粉一些代理商，昨日聚集位於河北石家莊市的三鹿集團總部追討貨款。（法新社）
有人被拖欠貨款1700萬元，示威者要求與三鹿負責人對話。（電視畫面）
【明報專訊】引發毒奶粉風波的河北石家莊三鹿集團管理層昨日表示，三鹿公司已經破產。該公司新西蘭股東亦證實，法院已下達破產裁定書，資產變賣後將優先賠付9億元腎石嬰兒醫療費用。傳聞洽購三鹿的北京三元集團表示，將根據實際情調整收購方案。另外全國近千名三鹿奶品經銷商連日湧向石家莊，追討三鹿所欠貨款，總金額估計在人民幣10億元左右。
據《法制晚報》報道，三鹿集團三分廠昨日召開宣布三鹿破產會議，知情人士說，法院已在本月22日下達破產裁定書，具體原因與工商銀行起訴有關。
法院早已裁定 代理商損失巨
北京三元集團董事長秘書對此表示，已聽說三鹿破產傳言，三元會以法院裁定書為準。如果三鹿真宣布破產，三元將根據實際情調整收購方案。
昨日有300至400名三鹿經銷商在三鹿集團門前示威，追討所欠墊付貨款，他們中被欠最多貨款的達1700萬元，示威者手持國旗高呼口號，要求與三鹿負責人對話，當局為防意外出動防暴警察現場戒備。經銷商表示，三鹿一旦宣布破產，每家一級代理商在三鹿動輒幾百萬、上千萬貨款都將化為烏有，他們同時面臨二、三線代理商要求巨額賠償的訴訟。前日中午，河北省信訪局及三鹿工作組已經接待了6、7名代理商代表，代表之一姚先生透露，接待官員明確表示，三鹿只有進入破產倒閉程序，才能重組。現有解決方案是明年1月10日前先支付一部分貨款。
資產變賣 先賠9億醫療費
中國奶業協會理事王丁棉認為，三鹿若進入破產清算拍賣，對意圖收購的三元有利，一是在交易中可以壓低價格；二是債權債務由三鹿拍賣所得償還，三元只收購淨資產；三是透過拍賣競購可將負面影響淡，三元與三鹿之間有了「防火墻」。不過廣東華之傑律師事務所張珩律師指出，按法律程序，三鹿資產公開拍賣，三元並無優先購買權；拍賣中三鹿到底是執行淨資產還是一攬子拍賣，這也是個問題。
馬英九﹕不在恐懼中談判 上任後首度觀軍演
台灣的馬英九總統昨日戴鋼盔視察軍演，他並表示未來不排除和中國大陸進行安全協商，但不在恐懼中談判。（中央社）
台灣軍方昨日在屏東車城鄉三軍聯訓基地舉行「聯勇97-11號」軍演，並首次動用「AAV-7」兩棲登陸突擊戰車及突擊戰車演練。（法新社）
台灣的馬英九總統昨天視察軍方「聯勇軍演」，這是他上任後首次觀摩軍方實彈演習，他表示，未來不排除與大陸進行和平協商，但台灣不在恐懼中談判，要從實力出發。
頭戴鋼盔視察軍演
昨天的聯勇軍演是以「國土防衛作戰」為科目，共出動F-16戰機、軍艦、武裝偵察直升機等各式武器，馬英九全程頭戴鋼盔、身穿防彈衣。雖然是實彈軍演，不過軍方擔心蘭陽艦上的5吋炮威力太大，未作實彈射擊，而F-16戰機也未投實彈。
馬英九5月上任後，取消軍方年度漢光軍演的公開演訓，國防部日前也決定今後漢光軍演實兵演練每2年進行一次。馬英九昨天指出，這次操演和以往「作騷式」的漢光軍演不同，那不符合建軍備戰的務實要求。他表示，兩岸和平雖已漸露曙光，但今次的實兵演練是讓人民了解，台灣沒有因兩岸和解就不準備軍演。
(明報駐台記者彭孝維專電)
三十年大事記
一九七八
實踐是真理唯一標準的大辯論
北京西單出現民主牆
十一屆三中全會召開
停止使用「以階級鬥爭為綱」
安徽鳳陽小崗村十八位農民立下包產到戶「生死狀」
一九七九
對越「自衛反擊戰」
人道主義馬克思與異化大討論
試辦深圳、珠海、汕頭、廈門經濟特區
逮捕魏京生，取締西單民主牆
一九八零
華國鋒辭總理、中共中央主席
趙紫陽任總理
審判四人幫
一九八一
《新婚姻法》實施
鄧小平正式提出「一國兩制」
提出有計劃的商品經濟
胡耀邦任中共中央主席
一九八二
家庭聯產承包責任制確立
一九八三
提出延長農村土地承包期
開展「從重從快」嚴打犯罪
一九八四
開放十四個沿海港口城市
提出有計劃的商品經濟
第一家股份制企業北京天橋股份有限公司成立
一九八五
農產品實施合同定購和市場收購
一九八六
頒布《義務教育法》
國務院發布鼓勵外商投資規定
全民所有制企業改革啟動
合肥、上海等地爆發學運
一九八七
胡耀邦下台
反對資產階級自由化
提出「一個中心、兩個基本點」基本路線
提出政治體制改革的任務
中共十三大召開
提出「社會主義初級階段」
台灣同胞可回大陸探親
一九八八
蔣經國去世
海南建省，私營經濟合法化
商品價格放開由市場調節
一九八九
天安門事件爆發，趙紫陽下台
江澤民當選中共中央總書記
一九九零
東歐出現「蘇東波」
開發開放上海浦東
北京亞運會召開
上海、深圳證券交易所開業
一九九一
蘇聯解體
企業職工養老保險制度改革
一九九二
鄧小平南巡並發表重要講話
「中國特色社會主義」理論寫進黨章
姓「資」姓「社」爭論平息
一九九三
中國接入Internet第一根專線
進行第一次汪辜會談
進行分稅制改革
施行《公司法》
提出金融體制改革目標
一九九四
外貿體制改革
三峽工程正式開工
一九九五
北京市委書記陳希同引咎辭職
大批國企職工下崗
一九九六
互聯網全國骨幹網開通
國企利潤下降到最低點
一九九七
鄧小平逝世
重慶建直轄市
香港回歸
朱鎔基提出國企三年脫困
亞洲爆發金融危機
一九九八
停止住房實物分配，倡導貸款購買商品房
長江爆發五十年未遇大洪水
思想界出現自由主義與「新左派」論爭
一九九九
《證券法》實施
明確「非公有制經濟」是社會主義市場經濟的重要組成部分
法輪功練習者圍攻中南海
提出西部大開發戰略
二零零零
江澤民提出「三個代表」思想
三大門戶網站搜狐、新浪、網易在納斯達克上市
二零零一
中國正式成為世界貿易組織成員國
北京獲得第二十九屆奧運會主辦權
二零零二
胡錦濤當選中共中央總書記
二零零三
爆發非典
廢除「收容遣送」辦法
成立國資委，監管中央所屬的國有資產
成功發射載人飛船神舟五號
二零零四
合法私有財產不受侵犯入憲
國有商業銀行進行股份制改革
頒布推進資本市場發展的「國九條」
二零零五
通過《反分裂國家法》
股權分置改革試點啟動
連戰、宋楚瑜訪問大陸
匯率制度改革
農業稅費改革
二零零六
取消農業稅
青藏鐵路開通
上海市委書記陳良宇被調查
股市全流通
二零零七
人大通過物權法
廈門PX市民遊行維權成功
GDP突破二十萬億人民幣，躍居世界第四
「華南虎」等事件中網絡民意影響時政
二零零八
西藏拉薩、青海、甘肅、四川等地出現藏民騷亂
網民數量超過兩億五千萬，成為世界第一
四川汶川發生八級大地震
馬英九當選台灣總統
北京奧運舉行
三聚氰胺引發中國製造危機
第十七屆三中全會召開，通過《中共中央關於推進農村改革發展若干重大問題的決定》
全球經濟危機下中國出現出口企業倒閉危機、失業大潮
中國民間發布《零八憲章》
兩岸實現大三通
實踐是真理唯一標準的大辯論
北京西單出現民主牆
十一屆三中全會召開
停止使用「以階級鬥爭為綱」
安徽鳳陽小崗村十八位農民立下包產到戶「生死狀」
一九七九
對越「自衛反擊戰」
人道主義馬克思與異化大討論
試辦深圳、珠海、汕頭、廈門經濟特區
逮捕魏京生，取締西單民主牆
一九八零
華國鋒辭總理、中共中央主席
趙紫陽任總理
審判四人幫
一九八一
《新婚姻法》實施
鄧小平正式提出「一國兩制」
提出有計劃的商品經濟
胡耀邦任中共中央主席
一九八二
家庭聯產承包責任制確立
一九八三
提出延長農村土地承包期
開展「從重從快」嚴打犯罪
一九八四
開放十四個沿海港口城市
提出有計劃的商品經濟
第一家股份制企業北京天橋股份有限公司成立
一九八五
農產品實施合同定購和市場收購
一九八六
頒布《義務教育法》
國務院發布鼓勵外商投資規定
全民所有制企業改革啟動
合肥、上海等地爆發學運
一九八七
胡耀邦下台
反對資產階級自由化
提出「一個中心、兩個基本點」基本路線
提出政治體制改革的任務
中共十三大召開
提出「社會主義初級階段」
台灣同胞可回大陸探親
一九八八
蔣經國去世
海南建省，私營經濟合法化
商品價格放開由市場調節
一九八九
天安門事件爆發，趙紫陽下台
江澤民當選中共中央總書記
一九九零
東歐出現「蘇東波」
開發開放上海浦東
北京亞運會召開
上海、深圳證券交易所開業
一九九一
蘇聯解體
企業職工養老保險制度改革
一九九二
鄧小平南巡並發表重要講話
「中國特色社會主義」理論寫進黨章
姓「資」姓「社」爭論平息
一九九三
中國接入Internet第一根專線
進行第一次汪辜會談
進行分稅制改革
施行《公司法》
提出金融體制改革目標
一九九四
外貿體制改革
三峽工程正式開工
一九九五
北京市委書記陳希同引咎辭職
大批國企職工下崗
一九九六
互聯網全國骨幹網開通
國企利潤下降到最低點
一九九七
鄧小平逝世
重慶建直轄市
香港回歸
朱鎔基提出國企三年脫困
亞洲爆發金融危機
一九九八
停止住房實物分配，倡導貸款購買商品房
長江爆發五十年未遇大洪水
思想界出現自由主義與「新左派」論爭
一九九九
《證券法》實施
明確「非公有制經濟」是社會主義市場經濟的重要組成部分
法輪功練習者圍攻中南海
提出西部大開發戰略
二零零零
江澤民提出「三個代表」思想
三大門戶網站搜狐、新浪、網易在納斯達克上市
二零零一
中國正式成為世界貿易組織成員國
北京獲得第二十九屆奧運會主辦權
二零零二
胡錦濤當選中共中央總書記
二零零三
爆發非典
廢除「收容遣送」辦法
成立國資委，監管中央所屬的國有資產
成功發射載人飛船神舟五號
二零零四
合法私有財產不受侵犯入憲
國有商業銀行進行股份制改革
頒布推進資本市場發展的「國九條」
二零零五
通過《反分裂國家法》
股權分置改革試點啟動
連戰、宋楚瑜訪問大陸
匯率制度改革
農業稅費改革
二零零六
取消農業稅
青藏鐵路開通
上海市委書記陳良宇被調查
股市全流通
二零零七
人大通過物權法
廈門PX市民遊行維權成功
GDP突破二十萬億人民幣，躍居世界第四
「華南虎」等事件中網絡民意影響時政
二零零八
西藏拉薩、青海、甘肅、四川等地出現藏民騷亂
網民數量超過兩億五千萬，成為世界第一
四川汶川發生八級大地震
馬英九當選台灣總統
北京奧運舉行
三聚氰胺引發中國製造危機
第十七屆三中全會召開，通過《中共中央關於推進農村改革發展若干重大問題的決定》
全球經濟危機下中國出現出口企業倒閉危機、失業大潮
中國民間發布《零八憲章》
兩岸實現大三通
「改革開放」30年給中國人帶來了什麼？
中國改革開放30年給中國和中國人民到底帶來了什麼？是經濟成長？貧富分化不斷加劇？或是中國人道德的下滑？（圖：新唐人電視台）
（新唐人電視台《熱點互動》節目）主持人：各位觀眾朋友們大家好，歡迎收看新唐人電視台《熱點互動》欄目熱線直播節目。我是主持人安娜，從十一屆三中全會開始改革開放到最近已經30年了。
下載收看
近日人民日報等中共官方媒體都對改革開放30年，有很多的篇幅描述改革開放30年的成就。但是也有很多民間的學者認為改革開放30年使中國的貧富分化不斷的加劇，生態受到了極大的破壞，尤其是中國人的道德有很大的下滑。
那麼改革開放這樣的政策是怎麼出台的？鄧小平當年所說，讓少數人先富起來。少數人是些什麼樣的人？他們現在是不是已經富起來了？改革開放給中國和中國人民到底帶來了什麼？
歡迎您打我們的熱線號碼提問或者發表高見，熱線號碼是646-519-2879，中國大陸的免費號碼是400-708-7995，再撥899-116-0297，您也可以通過Skype和我們連繫，Skype地址是RDHD2008，您也可以在網上收看。我先向各位介紹一下今天現場的兩位來賓，這位是新唐人特約評論員杰森先生。杰森您好。
杰森：安娜好。
主持人：這位是資深的評論家陳破空先生，陳先生您好。
陳破空：主持人好。
主持人：另外我們在線還有著名的中國經濟學家何清漣女士，一會兒我們請她上線。首先，我想請陳破空先生跟我們介紹一下改革開放這個政策是怎麼來的？十一屆三中全會和它有什麼關係？
陳破空：對，談到改革開放，首先要談到十一屆三中全會，十一屆三中全會開始是華國峰主持的一個會議，是從1978年11月10日開始的。當時華國峰所提出的主要議題是農業、經濟和計劃，主要是以經濟為中心來談問題。
但是這個會上鄧小平他們這一派，老人政治這一派提前有準備，鄧小平當時在新加坡學毛澤東的方法，來個遠程操控，他讓老幹部來發難，就主動的談政治、搞政治，突然對華國峰發動襲擊，就由陳雲率先提出關於真理標準問題的討論，撇開經濟、計劃和農業不談，就去談政治，談凡是派。
事實上這十一屆三中全會是一場搶班奪權的會議，中共內部是以路線鬥爭來代替權力鬥爭，實際上是鄧小平一派向華國峰要權力的一個會議。也因為鄧小平一派要恢復老人政治，要奪取最高權力，他們就假借改革開放為名，就以跟凡是派鬥爭為名，事實上他們把華國峰頭上刻了凡是派的帽子。
如果按凡是派來說華國峰的話，今天的江澤民、胡錦濤都是凡是派，這是對鄧小平的凡是派，所以那是很不公平的。但是他們通過這種政治表述，把最高權力從華國峰手上搶到了鄧小平手上，施行了老人政治，改革開放只不過是一個政治表述，而改革開放的要點是經濟改革、經濟開放而不是政治的，這跟華國峰是一樣的。
華國峰早就提出「抓綱治國」，重點是治國，而且華國峰在1977年提出結束文化大革命，華國峰又讓很多老幹部出來工作，但是鄧小平和陳雲這些人並不滿足，要奪取最高權力，他們覺得以前被毛澤東壓住了，現在不能被華國峰壓住，他們要享受這一把權力椅，這樣子才提出了改革開放或者十一屆三中全會這麼一個說法。
主持人：杰森，改革開放主要的政策是什麼呢？
杰森：事實上我們知道中共它本身有自己的一套理論，就是所謂從德國搬來的那種馬克思主義理論，在蘇聯實行了以後想搬到中國來，那個理論最開始在中國實行了之後，當然完全就是要走共產主義，什麼都是大鍋飯，整個當然是以鬥爭為基本原則的，矛盾是不可調和。
所以它一開始什麼三反、五反、鎮反，一直到後面又要把中國迅速推向共產主義，要大躍進，結果直接造成的惡果，緊接著大躍進結束，它們叫三年自然災害，實際上就是一個中國經濟崩潰，餓死3千萬人來解決它的經濟問題，但是隨之而來的文化大革命又是生靈塗炭，造成整個數以百萬的人死亡。
整個過程當到文化大革命結束的時候，中國的經濟就破產了。中共的體制下就是原來它自己聲稱就是我要跟你搞共產主義，共產主義是我管你一切，然後同時把每個人按區分配，我給你管房子、管醫療、管教育，然後整個都管，結果什麼都管不了。
最後所有這些企業，就是剛剛在文化大革命結束之後，整個它的企業，按照國際標準全部都是屬於虧損的狀態，整個國民經濟完全屬於崩潰的狀態。在這個時候就某種程度上來講，有點撐不住了。它知道在中國惡耗的30年裡頭，台灣已經發展起來了，而周邊很多國家比如像日本在廢墟中也發展起來了。
它知道如果這麼走下去的話，中共只有一條死路。在這個時候也為了救自己，當然也有內部鬥爭的因素，就搞出來、推出來一個所謂改革開放。這個改革開放最重要的目的，從後面的政策來看，它是在卸攤子。它把自己以前所有承諾的，比如我要走共產主義給你的利益，逐漸卸下來，卸到老百姓身上，同時它把自己最重要的利益抓住。所以整個改革開放幾十年就是卸擔子，抓權力，抓利益的過程。
主持人：好，我們再請問一下著名的經濟學家何清漣女士，何女士您好。
何清漣：您好。
主持人：是這樣，關於這個改革開放，官方一直在說改革開放，是有世界矚目的經濟成就，那麼也有很多民間的學者認為改革開放其實給中國帶來中國很多負面的東西。那您對改革開放總體來說怎麼評價呢？
何清漣：我覺得是這樣，剛才他們已經介紹過了，中國的改革開放是在什麼的背景下展開的，我覺得中國的改革開放，還是按照共產黨自己當初許諾給人民的幾個目標。
30年前中國為了擺脫這個危機，啟動改革的時候，在他們高舉的改革大旗上，至少有以下三項內容：第一個就是「民富」，這句話就是用鄧小平那句著名的：讓少數人先富起來，再帶動全體人民共同富裕。簡稱就是先富帶後富。
第二個就是「政治進步」，改革之初也就是80年代就宣示進步了，其實是有很明確的意涵，就是走向民主政治，用政治上公認的用語了，就是「轉型」，通過漸進改革，逐步轉型為民主政治，那麼大家當時選擇的路是通過經濟改革，慢慢的再啟動政治改革。
第三點就是改善社會結構，就是形成以中產階級為主導，貧困階層大幅度縮減的橄欖型社會結構。那麼這30年過去了，用這三項共產黨當初許諾的目標，讓全國人民認同這個改革的目標來檢查的話，其實這三樣都沒有達到。少數人確實是先富起來了，尤其是權貴階層都富起來了，但是全體人民並沒有共同富裕。
按照波士頓一個諮詢公司根據搜集的資料發布了一個全球財富報告，這是去年發布的，2006年中國的150萬個家庭，也就是全國家庭總數的0.4%，占有中國財富總量的70%。而且它還特別說明，這只計算存款、股票這些公開的金融資產。沒有計算灰色收入，就是隱性收入都沒計算在內。
那麼這個差別有多大呢？我們就看一下，發達國家一般情況下是5%的家庭，占有50%到60%的財富，像美國就是這麼個情況。那麼中國是0.4%的家庭占有70%的財富。這個過程在美國是多少代人形成的，在中國就短短30年之間就形成了。
這就是我過去談到的權力市場化的必然結果，至於講到這個老百姓，除了財富占有上的不平等外，沒有任何社會福利這點也是。再一個談到政治進步，政治進步在趙紫陽時代，還把這個黨政分開，政企分開給擺到日程上來，同時也從理論上開始探討了政治體制改革，當然並沒有實際行動，結果就發生了「六四」。
但是隨著從江時代到胡時代，現在政、企越來越不分開了，各個企業包括外資企業都要設政黨支部。那麼黨、政並不分開，現在連各地的人大主任都要市委書記兼任，就是不但沒有向前進走，連退到這80年代，胡趙時代那個水平都不是，比那個還要落後。
更重要的是，以前在80年代談到「專制」，那是一個負面名詞，談到「民主」大家都覺得這是值得追求的目標。但是這近幾年以來，中國的輿論越來越傾向於大規模的批判西方民主制度的虛偽，還有就是說實際上的不民主等等等等，然後再宣示中國特色的社會主義民主政治已經建成。
而且現在最重要的是知識精英中間，很多人已經公開的表明他們不主張西方的「三權分立」體制，覺得中國目前的這個體制已經轉型，尤其是新左派現在乾脆就拋出了一個理論，就這樣子說，中國社會過去說需要轉型，那是錯的，它中國現在已經完成了自主型體制創新，現在我們已經承脈了一個和資本主義體制併成一種新型的社會主義民主政治。所以這個政治進步和過去80年代所宣示的已經完全不一樣了。
至於改善社會結構，就是從我2000年的《當前中國社會結構演變的總體性分析》問世以來，我那本書裡面說過中上層加起來就是16%左右。那麼到現在這麼多年過去了，8、9年過去了，這個中產階級的比例一直沒有超過這個數目，就在這個上層的1%左右，中產階級就是15%左右。這是無論是社科院的研究，還是一些學者的個別研究也都是這樣。
而到今年中產階級隨著經濟危機的到來人數也在縮減。最重要的是中產階級，其實不僅僅是一個經濟分層，而是他們的政治權力，我這裡說的這個當然不止是中產階級的政治權力，而是中國的老百姓至今缺乏參與這個公共的生活，缺乏參與這個政治生活的基本管道。
我覺得從這三方面來說，中國政府這個改革等於是開了三張支票，但一張也沒有兌現。
主持人：謝謝何女士。今天我們的話題是「改革開放30年給中國和中國人帶來什麼？」歡迎您打我們的熱線號碼提問或發表高見，熱線號碼是646-519-2879，中國大陸的免費號碼是400-708-7995再撥899-116-0297。剛才您聽到的電話上的聲音是中國著名的經濟學家何清漣女士對改革開放的評價。
那麼我們再回到現場，鄧小平曾經說過「摸著石頭過河」，我想問一下陳先生，您覺得這「摸著石頭過河」對一個莫大的有十幾億的中國人民來說，這個是不是有點不太負責任呢？
陳破空：按照鄧小平這種「摸著石頭過河」說法，如果是在西方民主國家，在一個民主國家裡的候選人是無法當選。比如說奧巴馬或者希拉里、麥凱恩上來競選的時候，他說他要「摸著石頭過河」來治國，他根本連一張選票都得不到。
很簡單，一個人要競選、要治國、要成為一個國家裡的領導人，他必須提出完整的建國大綱，他必須有具體的施政方案，包括經濟的、政治的、國防的、外交的、和安全等等領域，福還包括利、就業等等。如果說這個人連要帶領人民過活，結果連水有多深、石頭有多少都不了解，這個人完全無法做船長或舵手。
但是中國這樣的事情為什麼能夠被接受？甚至被認為是一種好像沒有被批評的說法，那是因為當時鄧小平一言九鼎他有權威，他就說「摸著石頭過河」，大家也沒有辦法，沒有人跟他競選，老百姓也只能忍氣吞聲，也習慣的被奴役。至於這個船觸不觸礁，至於碰不碰石頭，這個會不會翻船，老百姓是管不了。
所以鄧小平當時他是有巨大的權威來說這個話，說完這個話回頭他打麻將去了，他只是指一個方向，你們老百姓自己幹。所以當初華國鋒沒有那麼大的權威，當然華國鋒的智商也不夠。如果華國鋒有足夠的權威，十一屆三中全會鄧小平一派突然對他襲擊發難談政治的時候，華國鋒他可以說不爭論，不談左右，就是一心一意的搞建設。
但是他們偏要去跟華國鋒爭論，偏要去拿政治表述來把華國鋒搞倒。所以華國鋒沒有辦法被他們搞倒了，讓他們把改革開放的大旗搶了過去。但是鄧小平，當人家有爭論，在政治上提出挑戰，在政治上討論問題的時候，他就說不爭論，不談左也不談右就是搞建設。所以說這完全是一種霸道的說法。我覺得回過頭來說，只有在專制的國家才能發生這種說法：「摸著石頭過河」。而在民主國家這種說法連一張選票都得不到。
主持人：那麼說到改革開放，當時說改革開放主要是讓人民的日子好起來，讓人民的生活水平就是要越來越好。也有很多人認為說現在至少，比如說我看到人民日報的文章裡面就說，從用糧票去買糧食到現在好像人民生活已經很高了，那您覺得就是說人民生活水平的提高，應該是一個什麼樣的狀態，有什麼樣的指標嗎？
杰森：我看到大量的報導就是說現在的生活水平跟78年比。事實上中共一直把這30年所謂人民生活提高，整個光榮都是提到自己身上。你仔細分析一下的話，就是相對78年這個人民生活水平提高。但是你知道嗎？我自己感覺78年中國的這個狀態是啥呢？是中國經濟持續30年不動，生活水平就不斷惡化的那種情況的一個對比。
所以說78年本身就是一個坑，它根本不是一個地平線。所以那個對比本身就不準確了。你要對比的話，你可以對比整個中共執政的60年，你去跟國際其它國家比。當時台灣的情況跟中國大陸比，當時台灣比大陸落後很多很多，那是不毛之地，但人家現在是四小龍之一，當時朝鮮你可以去比一比。
當然中共說這麼多年說它改開革放這30年GDP增長了15倍。實際上就是中國的這個地方，中國的這群人實在是你再也找不到更好的治理的一個國家，就是說整個中國你看遍世界，像中國這樣的民族極端統一的，宗教不是大問題的，整個這樣的地區它沒有不發展，你只要不管它，它就蓬勃發展。
中共最開始所謂改革開放頭10年或者14年在幹啥？鬆綁！給中國人鬆綁。實際上改革開放是誰促成的？所謂最開始的家庭承包責任制是從安徽農民搞出來的，最開始個體戶是各地下崗工人搞出來的，根本就不是中共搞的。頭14年所謂中國經濟體制改革完全是給老百姓鬆綁，只要給中國人鬆綁，中國的經濟就每年超過10%的往上長。
主持人：就是說不要限制它，它就成長。
杰森：不要限制它就對了。整個後面的十幾年中國經濟怎麼發展的？是輕工業，輕工業現在是中國經濟的1/3，然後整個金融業加服務業占了整個國民的2/3，怎麼搞的？都是人。現在全世界70%的鞋子是中國製造的，就是一個「人」的因素。就是把那些老百姓辛辛苦苦掙出來的，就是中國人的這種勤勞，真是勤勞，當然中國人也聰明，也這些方方面面，勤勞、聰明，整個造成中國經濟的發展，跟中共一點關係都沒有。中國人說你中共別管，我們就發展了。
主持人：只要你不擋著我們。
杰森：後面它就開始擋了。
（待續）
（據新唐人電視台《熱點互動》節目錄音整理）
視頻:【熱點互動】「改革開放」30年給中國人帶來了什麼？(
總統出席2008光耀北縣「和好、疼惜、平安夜-全國連線報佳音」聖誕傳愛系列活動
中華民國97年12月24日
相關圖片（總統府機要室提供）
馬英九總統今天晚間出席2008光耀北縣「和好、疼惜、平安夜-全國連線報佳音」聖誕傳愛系列活動，與台北縣長周錫瑋共同啟動「守護北縣 愛的魔力球」，並親自發送小禮物，祝福參與活動的民眾擁有溫馨喜樂的平安夜。
總統致詞時表示，「和好、疼惜、平安夜」聖誕活動自2000年起舉辦，當時他擔任台北市長，就覺得聖誕夜應該還給教徒、還給教會，讓大家能夠平靜而開心的度過這個充滿平安、喜樂與溫馨的日子，而且，這一天應該是我們關懷弱勢、展現愛心的時刻。
總統表示，法國軍事家拿破崙曾說：我用槍砲征服了歐洲，但是耶穌不費一兵一卒，卻征服了全世界，靠的就是愛心。總統說，唯有愛心，才能真正讓人類產生力量、凝聚共識。去年此時，他與周縣長在新莊出席活動，今天又再度來到台北縣，感覺非常溫馨。
總統指出，現在經濟不景氣，有很多企業關廠、民眾失業，希望大家拿出最大的愛心來關懷弱勢、關懷貧窮孤苦的民眾，一起撐過寒冬，分享平安夜愛與溫馨喜悅的佳音。
總統接見前台籍慰安婦阿嬤
中華民國97年12月24日
相關圖片（總統府機要室提供）
馬英九總統今天下午在總統府接見前台籍慰安婦阿嬤一行，歡迎她們來總統府參觀，並與她們溫馨聚敘。
總統表示，自1997年起，他關心慰安婦平反的議題已經11年，和許多阿嬤都有很深厚的感情。原本長期支持這個議題的王清峰部長今天也要陪阿嬤一起來參觀總統府，後因公務繁忙不克出席，但是王部長和他關切這個議題的心意是不會改變的。
總統回顧過去曾經參與過阿嬤們的多項活動。他從1997年開始關注這項議題，不僅參與紀錄片的拍攝，也出席義賣活動，都不曾間斷。李敖先生在當年的義賣中捐贈多件物品，邀請到許多社會名流參與響應，一共募集了3800多萬元，再加上當時擔任行政院院長的蕭萬長副總統支持，讓當年還在世的58位阿嬤，每人領到100萬元作為補償。之後，王部長協助阿嬤們赴日跨海訴訟求償，當時他在政大教書，也協助王部長撰寫英文文稿，以為國際宣傳。而他擔任台北市長之後，曾經訪問以色列，參觀他們的猶太博物館，當時他便以婦女救援基金會在1997年所拍攝的紀錄片作為贈與該館的禮品。
總統表示，阿嬤們的故事是台灣歷史的一部分，不應被遺忘，因此台北市政府將在前大同分局，現為「台灣新文化運動紀念館」中，闢出部分空間來陳設台籍慰安婦歷史。此外，有關向日本求償的工作，未來他也會一本初衷地持續關切。對於阿嬤們希望這段歷史可以放進歷史教科書，總統也表達支持之意，同時指出慰安婦平反的議題並不限於台灣，涵蓋的地方相當廣，因此這不是個別種族議題，而是一個人權議題，他也強調歷史的錯誤或許可以被原諒，但絕不能被遺忘，以免重蹈覆轍。
阿嬤們除感謝總統撥冗接見，並贈送總統一本活動相冊，表達對總統長期以來支持她們的平反及求償行動及多次親自參與相關活動的謝意。
前台籍慰安婦阿嬤陳桃、陳鴦、吳秀妹、何秀鳳、盧滿妹、蘇寅嬌、林沈中、蔡芳美等，下午由台北市婦女救援基金會董事長廖英智、董事葉毓蘭、陳淑麗、執行長高小晴陪同，前來總統府拜會總統，總統府副秘書長賴峰偉也在座。
總統視導國軍「聯勇 97-11號」期末鑑測實彈操演
中華民國97年12月24日
相關圖片（總統府機要室提供）
馬英九總統今天上午視導國軍「聯勇 97-11號」期末鑑測實彈操演，並致詞期勉國軍各級幹部都能把握演訓熟能生巧原則，把我們的戰力維持在顚峰狀態，一旦有任何狀況，都能有效保衛台灣的安全，讓人民安居樂業。
總統致詞內容為：
很高興我們媒體朋友對國軍各項新聞的處理，都能以公正、客觀的報導，讓全國同胞瞭解國軍建軍備戰最新的發展。
今天我們在這裏看到「聯勇 97-11號」操演，相信大家的印象都很深刻。雖然空軍由於天候的原因無法完成預定的炸射，但從我們陸戰隊在登陸之後，利用各種機械化裝備對敵軍陣地展開綿密的攻擊，並且在精準地射擊摧毀敵人的防禦之後，能夠攻佔山頭，足以證明我們國軍在過去這段時間，並沒有因為兩岸關係的改善而鬆懈了建軍備戰應有的努力。
儘管兩岸關係持續改善，台灣海峽出現和平的曙光，不過我們建軍備戰一向的理念都是「有效嚇阻」，因此為了培養自己的實力，我們不容許有任何鬆懈與輕忽，因為建軍備戰不是為了求戰，而是為了止戰，我們止戰而不懼戰，備戰而不求戰，整個基本戰略是防禦，但仍應演練所有攻防的訓練，才不會讓敵人低估我們保衛台灣的決心，所以建軍備戰的任何努力，我們都應持續，而且要經常演練才會熟能生巧。
代號「聯勇操演」三軍聯合實彈演習是國軍年度內計畫操演，主要在讓聯兵旅熟悉聯合作戰、建立立體化作戰概念，尤其要把戰場實景及未來可能發生的情況結合起來，變成「固安作戰」的任務，來驗證國軍防衛作戰與軍種聯合作戰的能力。今天的「聯勇97－11號」操演，代表國軍年度內官兵辛苦準備的成果，讓大家看到了三軍聯合作戰的實際寶貴經驗。剛才看到停泊在海上的軍艦，雖沒有實彈的射擊，也進行了反潛操演。我們希望國軍官兵在任何情況下，都要保持顚峰狀態與做好建軍備戰的準備，我們追求和平，但我們也要有嚇阻戰爭的能力，未來我們不排除與中國大陸進行有關安全的協商，但是我們絕不會在恐懼中談判，我們要從實力出發，才能在談判桌上獲得我們預期的效果。
在此，要特別謝謝部長、總長、各軍司令在準備這次聯合演習所付出的努力。前一陣子的漢光演習，避免了不必要且與實際戰場有相當距離的操演，我們不能為了好看而做一場演習的大秀，這樣反而不符合建軍備戰誠懇務實的態度，而且有時會引起媒體的誤會，以為兩岸和解就不準備演習了，完全不是這樣，我們演習照做，但不需要特別安排為了好看、為了表演而操作的項目，今天的安排是國軍平常演習、例行演習訓練的一部分，我們讓它展現出來讓大家瞭解，碰到有類似的情況，我們的陸戰隊一樣能透過逆登陸預定的時間與方法，有效摧毀敵人的攻擊，從這裏我們可以看得到，在整個防衛作戰當中，這些工作都是每天要操演的，熟才能生巧，特別希望國軍各級幹部都能把握這個原則，把我們的戰力維持在顚峰狀態，一旦有任何狀況，都能有效保衛台灣的安全，讓人民安居樂業。
再一次感謝國軍各級幹部為這次演習所付出的努力，同時也謝謝在場各位媒體朋友能把今天的情況向國人作實在的報告。最後祝福所有同仁、官兵弟兄、在場貴賓，身體健康、工作順利、事事如意。
2008年12月19日星期五
08憲章全文(中文,英文,日文)
一、前言
今年是中國立憲百年，《世界人權宣言》公布60周年，“民主墻”誕生30周年，中國政府簽署《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》10周年。在經歷了長期的人權災難和艱難曲折的抗爭歷程之後，覺醒的中國公民日漸清楚地認識到，自由、平等、人權是人類共同的普世價值；民主、共和、憲政是現代政治的基本制度架構。抽離了這些普世價值和基本政制架構的“現代化”，是剝奪人的權利、腐蝕人性、摧毀人的尊嚴的災難過程。21世紀的中國將走向何方，是繼續這種威權統治下的“ 現代化”，還是認同普世價值、融入主流文明、建立民主政體？這是一個不容回避的抉擇。
19世紀中期的歷史巨變，暴露了中國傳統專制制度的腐朽，揭開了中華大地上“數千年未有之大變局”的序幕。洋務運動追求器物層面的進良，甲午戰敗再次暴露了體制的過時；戊戌變法觸及到制度層面的革新，終因頑固派的殘酷鎮壓而歸於失敗；辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延續2000多年的皇權制度，建立了亞洲第一個共和國。囿於當時內憂外患的特定歷史條件，共和政體只是曇花一現，專制主義旋即卷土重來。器物模仿和制度更新的失敗，推動國人深入到對文化病根的反思，遂有以“科學與民主”為旗幟的“五四”新文化運動，因內戰頻仍和外敵入侵，中國政治民主化歷程被迫中斷。抗日戰爭勝利後的中國再次開啟了憲政歷程，然而國共內戰的結果使中國陷入了現代極權主義的深淵。1949年建立的“新中國”，名義上是“人民共和國”，實質上是“黨天下”。執政黨壟斷了所有政治、經濟和社會資源，制造了反右、大躍進、文革、六四、打壓民間宗教活動與維權運動等一系列人權災難，致使數千萬人失去生命，國民和國家都付出了極為慘重的代價。
二十世紀後期的“改革開放”，使中國擺脫了毛澤東時代的普遍貧困和絕對極權，民間財富和民眾生活水平有了大幅度提高，個人的經濟自由和社會權利得到部分恢復，公民社會開始生長，民間對人權和政治自由的呼聲日益高漲。執政者也在進行走向市場化和私有化的經濟改革的同時，開始了從拒絕人權到逐漸承認人權的轉變。中國政府於1997年、1998年分別簽署了兩個重要的國際人權公約，全國人大於2004年通過修憲把“尊重和保障人權”寫進憲法，今年又承諾制訂和推行《國家人權行動計劃》。但是，這些政治進步迄今為止大多停留在紙面上；有法律而無法治，有憲法而無憲政，仍然是有目共睹的政治現實。執政集團繼續堅持維系威權統治，排拒政治變革，由此導致官場腐敗，法治難立，人權不彰，道德淪喪，社會兩極分化，經濟畸形發展，自然環境和人文環境遭到雙重破壞，公民的自由、財產和追求幸福的權利得不到制度化的保障，各種社會矛盾不斷積累，不滿情緒持續高漲，特別是官民對立激化和群體事件激增，正在顯示著災難性的失控趨勢，現行體制的落伍已經到了非改不可的地步。
二、我們的基本理念
當此決定中國未來命運的歷史關頭，有必要反思百年來的現代化歷程，重申如下基本理念：
自由：自由是普世價值的核心之所在。言論、出版、信仰、集會、結社、遷徙、罷工和遊行示威等權利都是自由的具體體現。自由不昌，則無現代文明可言。
人權：人權不是國家的賜予，而是每個人與生俱來就享有的權利。保障人權，既是政府的首要目標和公共權力合法性的基礎，也是“以人為本”的內在要求。中國的歷次政治災難都與執政當局對人權的無視密切相關。人是國家的主體，國家服務於人民，政府為人民而存在。
平等：每一個個體的人，不論社會地位、職業、性別、經濟狀況、種族、膚色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊嚴、自由都是平等的。必須落實法律面前人人平等的原則，落實公民的社會、經濟、文化、政治權利平等的原則。
共和：共和就是“大家共治，和平共生”，就是分權制衡與利益平衡，就是多種利益成分、不同社會集團、多元文化與信仰追求的群體，在平等參與、公平競爭、共同議政的基礎上，以和平的方式處理公共事務。
民主：最基本的涵義是主權在民和民選政府。
民主具有如下基本特點：
（1）政權的合法性來自人民，政治權力來源於人民；
（2）政治統治經過人民選擇，
（3）公民享有真正的選舉權，各級政府的主要政務官員必須通過定期的競選產生。
（4）尊重多數人的決定，同時保護少數人的基本人權。
一句話，民主使政府成為“民有，民治，民享”的現代公器。
憲政：憲政是通過法律規定和法治來保障憲法確定的公民基本自由和權利的原則，限制並劃定政府權力和行為的邊界，並提供相應的制度設施。
在中國，帝國皇權的時代早已一去不復返了；在世界範圍內，威權體制也日近黃昏；公民應該成為真正的國家主人。祛除依賴“明君”、“清官”的臣民意識，張揚權利為本、參與為責的公民意識，實踐自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中國的根本出路。
三、我們的基本主張
藉此，我們本著負責任與建設性的公民精神對國家政制、公民權利與社會發展諸方面提出如下具體主張：
修改憲法：根據前述價值理念修改憲法，刪除現行憲法中不符合主權在民原則的條文，使憲法真正成為人權的保證書和公共權力的許可狀，成為任何個人、團體和黨派不得違反的可以實施的最高法律，為中國民主化奠定法權基礎。
分權制衡：構建分權制衡的現代政府，保證立法、司法、行政三權分立。確立法定行政和責任政府的原則，防止行政權力過分擴張；政府應對納稅人負責；在中央和地方之間建立分權與制衡制度，中央權力須由憲法明確界定授權，地方實行充分自治。
立法民主：各級立法機構由直選產生，立法秉持公平正義原則，實行立法民主。
司法獨立：司法應超越黨派、不受任何幹預，實行司法獨立，保障司法公正；設立憲法法院，建立違憲審查制度，維護憲法權威。盡早撤銷嚴重危害國家法治的各級黨的政法委員會，避免公器私用。
公器公用：實現軍隊國家化，軍人應效忠於憲法，效忠於國家，政黨組織應從軍隊中退出，提高軍隊職業化水平。包括警察在內的所有公務員應保持政治中立。消除公務員錄用的黨派歧視，應不分黨派平等錄用。
人權保障：切實保障人權，維護人的尊嚴。設立對最高民意機關負責的人權委員會，防止政府濫用公權侵犯人權，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、傳訊、審問、處罰，廢除勞動教養制度。
公職選舉：全面推行民主選舉制度，落實一人一票的平等選舉權。各級行政首長的直接選舉應制度化地逐步推行。定期自由競爭選舉和公民參選法定公共職務是不可剝奪的基本人權。
城鄉平等：廢除現行的城鄉二元戶籍制度，落實公民一律平等的憲法權利，保障公民的自由遷徙權。
結社自由：保障公民的結社自由權，將現行的社團登記審批制改為備案制。開放黨禁，以憲法和法律規範政黨行為，取消一黨壟斷執政特權，確立政黨活動自由和公平競爭的原則，實現政黨政治正常化和法制化。
集會自由：和平集會、遊行、示威和表達自由，是憲法規定的公民基本自由，不應受到執政黨和政府的非法幹預與違憲限制。
言論自由：落實言論自由、出版自由和學術自由，保障公民的知情權和監督權。制訂《新聞法》和《出版法》，開放報禁，廢除現行《刑法》中的“煽動顛覆國家政權罪”條款，杜絕以言治罪。
宗教自由：保障宗教自由與信仰自由，實行政教分離，宗教信仰活動不受政府幹預。審查並撤銷限制或剝奪公民宗教自由的行政法規、行政規章和地方性法規；禁止以行政立法管理宗教活動。廢除宗教團體（包括宗教活動場所）必經登記始獲合法地位的事先許可制度，代之以無須任何審查的備案制。
公民教育：取消服務於一黨統治、帶有濃厚意識形態色彩的政治教育與政治考試，推廣以普世價值和公民權利為本的公民教育，確立公民意識，倡導服務社會的公民美德。
財產保護：確立和保護私有財產權利，實行自由、開放的市場經濟制度，保障創業自由，消除行政壟斷；設立對最高民意機關負責的國有資產管理委員會，合法有序地展開產權改革，明晰產權歸屬和責任者；開展新土地運動，推進土地私有化，切實保障公民尤其是農民的土地所有權。
財稅改革：確立民主財政和保障納稅人的權利。建立權責明確的公共財政制度構架和運行機制，建立各級政府合理有效的財政分權體系；對賦稅制度進行重大改革，以降低稅率、簡化稅制、公平稅負。非經社會公共選擇過程，民意機關決議，行政部門不得隨意加稅、開征新稅。通過產權改革，引進多元市場主體和競爭機制，降低金融準入門檻，為發展民間金融創造條件，使金融體系充分發揮活力。
社會保障：建立覆蓋全體國民的社會保障體制，使國民在教育、醫療、養老和就業等方面得到最基本的保障。
環境保護：保護生態環境，提倡可持續發展，為子孫後代和全人類負責；明確落實國家和各級官員必須為此承擔的相應責任；發揮民間組織在環境保護中的參與和監督作用。
聯邦共和：以平等、公正的態度參與維持地區和平與發展，塑造一個負責任的大國形象。維護香港、澳門的自由制度。在自由民主的前提下，通過平等談判與合作互動的方式尋求海峽兩岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁榮的可能途徑和制度設計，在民主憲政的架構下建立中華聯邦共和國。
轉型正義：為歷次政治運動中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家屬，恢復名譽，給予國家賠償；釋放所有政治犯和良心犯，釋放所有因信仰而獲罪的人員；成立真相調查委員會，查清歷史事件的真相，厘清責任，伸張正義；在此基礎上尋求社會和解。
四、結語
中國作為世界大國，作為聯合國安理會五個常任理事國之一和人權理事會的成員，理應為人類和平事業與人權進步做出自身的貢獻。但令人遺憾的是，在當今世界的所有大國裏，唯獨中國還處在威權主義政治生態中，並由此造成連綿不斷的人權災難和社會危機，束縛了中華民族的自身發展，制約了人類文明的進步——這種局面必須改變！政治民主化變革不能再拖延下去。
為此，我們本著勇於踐行的公民精神，公布《零八憲章》。我們希望所有具有同樣危機感、責任感和使命感的中國公民，不分朝野，不論身份，求同存異，積極參與到公民運動中來，共同推動中國社會的偉大變革，以期早日建成一個自由、民主、憲政的國家，實現國人百余年來鍥而不舍的追求與夢想。
08憲章(日本語版)
一、まえがき
今年は中国立憲百年、「世界人権宣言」公布60周年、「民主の壁」誕生30周年であり、また中国政府が「市民的及び政治的権利に関する国際規約」に署名して10周年である。長い間の人権災難と困難かつ曲折に満ちた闘いの歴史の後に、目覚めた中国国民は、自由・平等・人権が人類共同の普遍的価値であり、民主・共和・憲政が現代政治の基本的制度枠組みであることを日増しにはっきりと認識しつつある。こうした普遍的価値と基本的政治制度枠組みを取り除いた「現代化」は、人の権利をはく奪し、人間性を腐らせ、人の尊厳を踏みにじる災難である。21世紀の中国がどこに向かうのか。この種の権威主義的統治下の「現代化」か？ それとも普遍的価値を認め、主流文明に溶け込み、民主政体を樹立するのか？ それは避けることのできない選択である。
19世紀中葉の歴史の激変は、中国の伝統的専制制度の腐敗を暴露し、中華大地の「数千年間なかった大変動」の序幕を開いた。洋務運動はうつわ面での改良を追求し、甲午戦争（日清戦争1894年）の敗戦は再び体制の時代遅れを暴露した。戊戌変法（1898年）は制度面での革新に触れたために、守旧派の残酷な鎮圧にあって失敗した。辛亥革命（1911年）は表面的には2000年余り続いた皇帝制度を埋葬し、アジアで最初の共和国を建国した。しかし、当時の内憂外患の歴史的条件に阻害され、共和政体はごく短命に終わり、専制主義が捲土重来した。うつわの模倣と制度更新の失敗は、国民に文化的病根に対する反省を促し、ついに「科学と民主」を旗印とする「五四」新文化運動がおこったが、内戦の頻発と外敵の侵入により、中国政治の民主化過程は中断された。抗日戦争勝利後の中国は再び憲政をスタートさせたが、国共内戦の結果は中国を現代版全体主義の深淵に陥れた。1949年に建国した「新中国」は、名義上は「人民共和国」だが、実際は「党の天下」であった。政権党はすべての政治・経済・社会資源を独占し、反右派闘争、大躍進、文革、六四、民間宗教および人権擁護活動弾圧など一連の人権災害を引き起こし、数千万人の命を奪い、国民と国家は甚だしい代価を支払わされた。
20世紀後期の「改革開放」で、中国は毛沢東時代の普遍的貧困と絶対的全体主義から抜け出し、民間の富と民衆の生活水準は大幅に向上し、個人の経済的自由と社会的権利は部分的に回復し、市民社会が育ち始め、民間の人権と政治的自由への要求は日増しに高まっている。統治者も市場化と私有化の経済改革を進めると同時に、人権の拒絶から徐々に人権を認める方向に変わっている。中国政府は、1997年、1998年にそれぞれ二つの重要な国際人権規約に署名し、全国人民代表大会は2004年の憲法改正で「人権の尊重と保障」を憲法に書き込んだ。今年はまた「国家人権行動計画」を制定し、実行することを約束した。しかし、こうした政治的進歩はいままでのところほとんど紙の上にとどまっている。法律があっても法治がなく、憲法があっても憲政がなく、依然として誰もが知っている政治的現実がある。統治集団は引き続き権威主義統治を維持し、政治改革を拒絶している。そのため官僚は腐敗し、法治は実現せず、人権は色あせ、道徳は滅び、社会は二極分化し、経済は奇形的発展をし、自然環境と人文環境は二重に破壊され、国民の自由・財産・幸福追求の権利は制度的保障を得られず、各種の社会矛盾が蓄積し続け、不満は高まり続けている。とりわけ官民対立の激化と、騒乱事件の激増はまさに破滅的な制御不能に向かっており、現行体制の時代遅れは直ちに改めざるをえない状態に立ち至っている。
二、我々の基本理念
中国の将来の運命を決めるこの歴史の岐路に立って、百年来の近代化の歴史を顧みたとき、下記の基本理念を再び述べる必要がある。
自由：自由は普遍的価値の核心である。言論・出版・信仰・集会・結社・移動・ストライキ・デモ行進などの権利は自由の具体的表現である。自由が盛んでなければ、現代文明とはいえない。
人権：人権は国家が賜与するものではなく、すべての人が生まれながらに有する権利である。人権保障は、政府の主な目標であり、公権力の合法性の基礎であり、また「人をもって本とす」（最近の中共のスローガン「以人為本」）の内在的要求である。中国のこれまでの毎回の政治災害はいずれも統治当局が人権を無視したことと密接に関係する。人は国家の主体であり、国家は人民に奉仕し、政府は人民のために存在するのである。
平等：ひとりひとりの人は、社会的地位・職業・性別・経済状況・人種・肌の色・宗教・政治的信条にかかわらず、その人格・尊厳・自由はみな平等である。法の下でのすべての人の平等の原則は必ず実現されなければならず、国民の社会的・経済的・文化的・政治的権利の平等の原則が実現されなければならない。
共和：共和とはすなわち「皆がともに治め、平和的に共存する」ことである。それは権力分立によるチェック・アンド・バランスと利益均衡であり、多くの利益要素・さまざまな社会集団・多元的な文化と信条を追求する集団が、平等な参加・公平な競争・共同の政治対話の基礎の上に、平和的方法で公共の事務を処理することである。
民主：もっとも基本的な意味は主権在民と民選政府である。民主には以下の基本的特徴がある。
（1）政府の合法性は人民に由来し、政治権力の源は人民である。
（2）政治的統治は人民の選択を経てなされる。
（3）国民は真正の選挙権を享有し、各級政府の主要政務官吏は必ず定期的な選挙によって選ばれなければならない。
（4）多数者の決定を尊重し、同時に少数者の基本的人権を尊重する。一言でいえば、民主は政府を「民有、民治、民享」の現代の公器である。
憲政：憲政は法律と法に基づく統治により憲法が定めた国民の基本的自由と権利を保障する原則である。それは、政府の権力と行為の限界を線引きし、あわせて対応する制度的措置を提供する。
中国では、帝国皇帝の権力の時代はすでに過去のものとなった。世界的にも、権威主義体制はすでに黄昏が近い。国民は本当の国家の主人になるべきである。「明君」、「清官」に依存する臣民意識を払いのけ、権利を基本とし参加を責任とする市民意識を広め、自由を実践し、民主を自ら行い、法の支配を順守することこそが中国の根本的な活路である。
三、我々の基本的主張
そのために、我々は責任をもって、また建設的な公民精神によって国家政治制度と市民的権利および社会発展の諸問題について以下の具体的な主張をする。
憲法改正：前述の価値理念に基づいて憲法を改正し、現行憲法の中の主権在民原則にそぐわない条文を削除し、憲法を本当に人権の保証書および公権力への許可証にし、いかなる個人・団体・党派も違反してはならない実施可能な最高法規とし、中国の民主化の法的な基礎を固める。
権力分立：権力分立の現代的政府を作り、立法・司法・行政三権分立を保証する。法に基づく行政と責任政府の原則を確立し、行政権力の過剰な拡張を防止する。政府は納税者に対して責任を持たなければならない。中央と地方の間に権力分立とチェック・アンド・バランスの制度を確立し、中央権力は必ず憲法で授権の範囲を定められなければならず、地方は充分に自治を実施する。
立法民主：各級立法機関は直接選挙により選出され、立法は公平正義の原則を堅持し、立法民主を行う。
司法の独立：司法は党派を超越し、いかなる干渉も受けず、司法の独立を行い、司法の公正を保障する。憲法裁判所を設立し、違憲審査制度をつくり、憲法の権威を守る。可及的速やかに国の法治を深刻に脅かす共産党の各級政法委員会を解散させ、公器の私用を防ぐ。
公器公用：軍隊の国家化を実現する。軍人は憲法に忠誠を誓い、国家に忠誠を誓わなければならない。政党組織は軍隊から退出しなければならない。軍隊の職業化レベルを高める。警察を含むすべての公務員は政治的中立を守らなければならない。公務員任用における党派差別を撤廃し、党派にかかわらず平等に任用する。
人権保障：人権を確実に保障し、人の尊厳を守る。最高民意機関が責任を有する人権委員会を設立し、政府が公権力を乱用して人権を侵害することを防ぐ。とりわけ国民の人身の自由は保障されねばならず、何人も不法な逮捕・拘禁・召喚・尋問・処罰を受けない。労働教養制度（行政罰としての懲役）を廃止する。
公職選挙：全面的に民主選挙制度を実施し、一人一票の平等選挙を実現する。各級行政首長の直接選挙は制度化され段階的に実施されなければならない。定期的な自由競争選挙と法定の公職への国民の選挙参加は奪うことのできない基本的人権である。
都市と農村の平等：現行の都市と農村二元戸籍制度を廃止し、国民一律平等の憲法上の権利を実現し、国民の移動の自由の権利を保障する。
結社の自由：国民の結社の自由権を保障し、現行の社団登記許可制を届出制に改める。結社の制限を撤廃し、憲法と法律により政党の行為を定め、一党独占の統治特権を廃止し、政党活動の自由と公平競争の原則を確立し、政党政治の正常化と法制化を実現する。
集会の自由：平和的集会・デモ・示威行動など表現の自由は、憲法の定める国民の基本的自由であり、政権党と政府は不法な干渉や違憲の制限を加えてはならない。
言論の自由：言論の自由・出版の自由・学術研究の自由を実現し、国民の知る権利と監督権を保障する。「新聞法」と「出版法」を制定し、報道の制限を撤廃し、現行「刑法」中の「国家政権転覆扇動罪」条項を廃止し、言論の処罰を根絶する。
宗教の自由：宗教の自由と信仰の自由を保障する。政教分離を実施し、宗教活動が政府の干渉を受けないようにする。国民の宗教的自由を制限する行政法規・行政規則・地方法規を審査し撤廃する。行政が立法により宗教活動を管理することを禁止する。宗教団体（宗教活動場所を含む）は登記されて初めて合法的地位を獲得するという事前許可制を撤廃し、これに代えていかなる審査も必要としない届出制とする。
国民教育：一党統治への奉仕や濃厚なイデオロギー的色彩の政治教育と政治試験を廃止し、普遍的価値と市民的権利を基本とする国民教育を推進し、国民意識を確立し、社会に奉仕する国民の美徳を提唱する。
財産の保護：私有財産権を確立し保護する。自由で開かれた市場経済制度を行い、創業の自由を保障し、行政による独占を排除する。最高民意機関が責任を有する国有資産管理委員会を設立し、合法的に秩序立って財産権改革を進め、財産権の帰属と責任者を明確にする。新土地運動を展開し、土地の私有化を推進し、国民とりわけ農民の土地所有権を確実に保障する。
財税改革：財政民主主義を確立し納税者の権利を保障する。権限と責任の明確な公共財政制度の枠組みと運営メカニズムを構築し、各級政府の合理的な財政分権体系を構築する。税制の大改革を行い、税率を低減し、税制を簡素化し、税負担を公平化する。公共選択や民意機関の決議を経ずに、行政部門は増税・新規課税を行ってはならない。財産権改革を通じて、多元的市場主体と競争メカニズムを導入し、金融参入の敷居を下げ、民間金融の発展に条件を提供し、金融システムの活力を充分に発揮させる。
社会保障：全国民をカバーする社会保障制度を構築し、国民の教育・医療・養老・就職などの面でだれもが最も基本的な保障を得られるようにする。
環境保護：生態環境を保護し、持続可能な開発を提唱し、子孫と全人類に責任を果たす。国家と各級官吏は必ずそのために相応の責任を負わなければならないことを明確にする。民間組織の環境保護における参加と監督作用を発揮させる。
連邦共和：平等・公正の態度で地区の平和と発展を維持し、責任ある大国のイメージを作る。香港・マカオの自由制度を維持する。自由民主の前提のもとに、平等な協議と相互協力により海峡両岸の和解案を追求する。大きな知恵で各民族の共同の繁栄が可能な道と制度設計を探求し、立憲民主制の枠組みの下で中華連邦共和国を樹立する。
正義の転換：これまでの度重なる政治運動で政治的迫害を受けた人々とその家族の名誉を回復し、国家賠償を行う。すべての政治犯と良心の囚人を釈放する。すべての信仰により罪に問われた人々を釈放する。真相調査委員会を設立し歴史的事件の真相を解明し、責任を明らかにし、正義を鼓舞する。それを基礎として社会の和解を追求する。
四、結語
中国は世界の大国として、国連安全保障理事会の5つの常任理事国の一つとしてまた人権理事会のメンバーとして、人類の平和事業と人権の進歩のために貢献すべきである。しかし遺憾なことに、今日の世界のすべての大国の中で、ただ中国だけがいまだに権威主義の政治の中にいる。またそのために絶え間なく人権災害と社会危機が発生しており、中華民族の発展を縛り、人類文明の進歩を制約している。このような局面は絶対に改めねばならない！ 政治の民主改革はもう後には延ばせない。
そこで、我々は実行の勇気という市民的精神に基づき、「08憲章」を発表する。我々はすべての危機感・責任感・使命感を共有する中国国民が、朝野の別なく、身分にかかわらず、小異を残して大同につき、積極的に市民運動に参加し、共に中国社会の偉大な変革を推進し、できるだけ早く自由・民主・憲政の国家を作り上げ、国民が百年以上の間根気よく追求し続けてきた夢を共に実現することを希望する。
括弧内は訳注。
Charter 08 (English Version)
Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
The following text of Charter 08, signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals and translated and introduced by Perry Link, Professor of Chinese Literature at the University of California, Riverside, will be published in the issue of The New York Review dated January 15, which goes on sale on January 2.
—The Editors
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a
loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
—Perry Link
Frederick Douglass Book Prize Announcement
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to “modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China’s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China’s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a “cultural illness” was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of “science and democracy.” Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The “new China” that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that “the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful.” The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens’ rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of “Reform and Opening” gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of “rights” to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase “respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a “national human rights action plan.” Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China’s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics:
(1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people.
(2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make.
(3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections.
(4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an “enlightened overlord” or an “honest official” and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development:
A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China’s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of “Reeducation through Labor” must be abolished.
Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on “one person, one vote.” The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be “approved,” should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to “the crime of incitement to subvert state power” must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens’ rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China’s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens’ movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
今年是中國立憲百年，《世界人權宣言》公布60周年，“民主墻”誕生30周年，中國政府簽署《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》10周年。在經歷了長期的人權災難和艱難曲折的抗爭歷程之後，覺醒的中國公民日漸清楚地認識到，自由、平等、人權是人類共同的普世價值；民主、共和、憲政是現代政治的基本制度架構。抽離了這些普世價值和基本政制架構的“現代化”，是剝奪人的權利、腐蝕人性、摧毀人的尊嚴的災難過程。21世紀的中國將走向何方，是繼續這種威權統治下的“ 現代化”，還是認同普世價值、融入主流文明、建立民主政體？這是一個不容回避的抉擇。
19世紀中期的歷史巨變，暴露了中國傳統專制制度的腐朽，揭開了中華大地上“數千年未有之大變局”的序幕。洋務運動追求器物層面的進良，甲午戰敗再次暴露了體制的過時；戊戌變法觸及到制度層面的革新，終因頑固派的殘酷鎮壓而歸於失敗；辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延續2000多年的皇權制度，建立了亞洲第一個共和國。囿於當時內憂外患的特定歷史條件，共和政體只是曇花一現，專制主義旋即卷土重來。器物模仿和制度更新的失敗，推動國人深入到對文化病根的反思，遂有以“科學與民主”為旗幟的“五四”新文化運動，因內戰頻仍和外敵入侵，中國政治民主化歷程被迫中斷。抗日戰爭勝利後的中國再次開啟了憲政歷程，然而國共內戰的結果使中國陷入了現代極權主義的深淵。1949年建立的“新中國”，名義上是“人民共和國”，實質上是“黨天下”。執政黨壟斷了所有政治、經濟和社會資源，制造了反右、大躍進、文革、六四、打壓民間宗教活動與維權運動等一系列人權災難，致使數千萬人失去生命，國民和國家都付出了極為慘重的代價。
二十世紀後期的“改革開放”，使中國擺脫了毛澤東時代的普遍貧困和絕對極權，民間財富和民眾生活水平有了大幅度提高，個人的經濟自由和社會權利得到部分恢復，公民社會開始生長，民間對人權和政治自由的呼聲日益高漲。執政者也在進行走向市場化和私有化的經濟改革的同時，開始了從拒絕人權到逐漸承認人權的轉變。中國政府於1997年、1998年分別簽署了兩個重要的國際人權公約，全國人大於2004年通過修憲把“尊重和保障人權”寫進憲法，今年又承諾制訂和推行《國家人權行動計劃》。但是，這些政治進步迄今為止大多停留在紙面上；有法律而無法治，有憲法而無憲政，仍然是有目共睹的政治現實。執政集團繼續堅持維系威權統治，排拒政治變革，由此導致官場腐敗，法治難立，人權不彰，道德淪喪，社會兩極分化，經濟畸形發展，自然環境和人文環境遭到雙重破壞，公民的自由、財產和追求幸福的權利得不到制度化的保障，各種社會矛盾不斷積累，不滿情緒持續高漲，特別是官民對立激化和群體事件激增，正在顯示著災難性的失控趨勢，現行體制的落伍已經到了非改不可的地步。
二、我們的基本理念
當此決定中國未來命運的歷史關頭，有必要反思百年來的現代化歷程，重申如下基本理念：
自由：自由是普世價值的核心之所在。言論、出版、信仰、集會、結社、遷徙、罷工和遊行示威等權利都是自由的具體體現。自由不昌，則無現代文明可言。
人權：人權不是國家的賜予，而是每個人與生俱來就享有的權利。保障人權，既是政府的首要目標和公共權力合法性的基礎，也是“以人為本”的內在要求。中國的歷次政治災難都與執政當局對人權的無視密切相關。人是國家的主體，國家服務於人民，政府為人民而存在。
平等：每一個個體的人，不論社會地位、職業、性別、經濟狀況、種族、膚色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊嚴、自由都是平等的。必須落實法律面前人人平等的原則，落實公民的社會、經濟、文化、政治權利平等的原則。
共和：共和就是“大家共治，和平共生”，就是分權制衡與利益平衡，就是多種利益成分、不同社會集團、多元文化與信仰追求的群體，在平等參與、公平競爭、共同議政的基礎上，以和平的方式處理公共事務。
民主：最基本的涵義是主權在民和民選政府。
民主具有如下基本特點：
（1）政權的合法性來自人民，政治權力來源於人民；
（2）政治統治經過人民選擇，
（3）公民享有真正的選舉權，各級政府的主要政務官員必須通過定期的競選產生。
（4）尊重多數人的決定，同時保護少數人的基本人權。
一句話，民主使政府成為“民有，民治，民享”的現代公器。
憲政：憲政是通過法律規定和法治來保障憲法確定的公民基本自由和權利的原則，限制並劃定政府權力和行為的邊界，並提供相應的制度設施。
在中國，帝國皇權的時代早已一去不復返了；在世界範圍內，威權體制也日近黃昏；公民應該成為真正的國家主人。祛除依賴“明君”、“清官”的臣民意識，張揚權利為本、參與為責的公民意識，實踐自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中國的根本出路。
三、我們的基本主張
藉此，我們本著負責任與建設性的公民精神對國家政制、公民權利與社會發展諸方面提出如下具體主張：
修改憲法：根據前述價值理念修改憲法，刪除現行憲法中不符合主權在民原則的條文，使憲法真正成為人權的保證書和公共權力的許可狀，成為任何個人、團體和黨派不得違反的可以實施的最高法律，為中國民主化奠定法權基礎。
分權制衡：構建分權制衡的現代政府，保證立法、司法、行政三權分立。確立法定行政和責任政府的原則，防止行政權力過分擴張；政府應對納稅人負責；在中央和地方之間建立分權與制衡制度，中央權力須由憲法明確界定授權，地方實行充分自治。
立法民主：各級立法機構由直選產生，立法秉持公平正義原則，實行立法民主。
司法獨立：司法應超越黨派、不受任何幹預，實行司法獨立，保障司法公正；設立憲法法院，建立違憲審查制度，維護憲法權威。盡早撤銷嚴重危害國家法治的各級黨的政法委員會，避免公器私用。
公器公用：實現軍隊國家化，軍人應效忠於憲法，效忠於國家，政黨組織應從軍隊中退出，提高軍隊職業化水平。包括警察在內的所有公務員應保持政治中立。消除公務員錄用的黨派歧視，應不分黨派平等錄用。
人權保障：切實保障人權，維護人的尊嚴。設立對最高民意機關負責的人權委員會，防止政府濫用公權侵犯人權，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、傳訊、審問、處罰，廢除勞動教養制度。
公職選舉：全面推行民主選舉制度，落實一人一票的平等選舉權。各級行政首長的直接選舉應制度化地逐步推行。定期自由競爭選舉和公民參選法定公共職務是不可剝奪的基本人權。
城鄉平等：廢除現行的城鄉二元戶籍制度，落實公民一律平等的憲法權利，保障公民的自由遷徙權。
結社自由：保障公民的結社自由權，將現行的社團登記審批制改為備案制。開放黨禁，以憲法和法律規範政黨行為，取消一黨壟斷執政特權，確立政黨活動自由和公平競爭的原則，實現政黨政治正常化和法制化。
集會自由：和平集會、遊行、示威和表達自由，是憲法規定的公民基本自由，不應受到執政黨和政府的非法幹預與違憲限制。
言論自由：落實言論自由、出版自由和學術自由，保障公民的知情權和監督權。制訂《新聞法》和《出版法》，開放報禁，廢除現行《刑法》中的“煽動顛覆國家政權罪”條款，杜絕以言治罪。
宗教自由：保障宗教自由與信仰自由，實行政教分離，宗教信仰活動不受政府幹預。審查並撤銷限制或剝奪公民宗教自由的行政法規、行政規章和地方性法規；禁止以行政立法管理宗教活動。廢除宗教團體（包括宗教活動場所）必經登記始獲合法地位的事先許可制度，代之以無須任何審查的備案制。
公民教育：取消服務於一黨統治、帶有濃厚意識形態色彩的政治教育與政治考試，推廣以普世價值和公民權利為本的公民教育，確立公民意識，倡導服務社會的公民美德。
財產保護：確立和保護私有財產權利，實行自由、開放的市場經濟制度，保障創業自由，消除行政壟斷；設立對最高民意機關負責的國有資產管理委員會，合法有序地展開產權改革，明晰產權歸屬和責任者；開展新土地運動，推進土地私有化，切實保障公民尤其是農民的土地所有權。
財稅改革：確立民主財政和保障納稅人的權利。建立權責明確的公共財政制度構架和運行機制，建立各級政府合理有效的財政分權體系；對賦稅制度進行重大改革，以降低稅率、簡化稅制、公平稅負。非經社會公共選擇過程，民意機關決議，行政部門不得隨意加稅、開征新稅。通過產權改革，引進多元市場主體和競爭機制，降低金融準入門檻，為發展民間金融創造條件，使金融體系充分發揮活力。
社會保障：建立覆蓋全體國民的社會保障體制，使國民在教育、醫療、養老和就業等方面得到最基本的保障。
環境保護：保護生態環境，提倡可持續發展，為子孫後代和全人類負責；明確落實國家和各級官員必須為此承擔的相應責任；發揮民間組織在環境保護中的參與和監督作用。
聯邦共和：以平等、公正的態度參與維持地區和平與發展，塑造一個負責任的大國形象。維護香港、澳門的自由制度。在自由民主的前提下，通過平等談判與合作互動的方式尋求海峽兩岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁榮的可能途徑和制度設計，在民主憲政的架構下建立中華聯邦共和國。
轉型正義：為歷次政治運動中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家屬，恢復名譽，給予國家賠償；釋放所有政治犯和良心犯，釋放所有因信仰而獲罪的人員；成立真相調查委員會，查清歷史事件的真相，厘清責任，伸張正義；在此基礎上尋求社會和解。
四、結語
中國作為世界大國，作為聯合國安理會五個常任理事國之一和人權理事會的成員，理應為人類和平事業與人權進步做出自身的貢獻。但令人遺憾的是，在當今世界的所有大國裏，唯獨中國還處在威權主義政治生態中，並由此造成連綿不斷的人權災難和社會危機，束縛了中華民族的自身發展，制約了人類文明的進步——這種局面必須改變！政治民主化變革不能再拖延下去。
為此，我們本著勇於踐行的公民精神，公布《零八憲章》。我們希望所有具有同樣危機感、責任感和使命感的中國公民，不分朝野，不論身份，求同存異，積極參與到公民運動中來，共同推動中國社會的偉大變革，以期早日建成一個自由、民主、憲政的國家，實現國人百余年來鍥而不舍的追求與夢想。
08憲章(日本語版)
一、まえがき
今年は中国立憲百年、「世界人権宣言」公布60周年、「民主の壁」誕生30周年であり、また中国政府が「市民的及び政治的権利に関する国際規約」に署名して10周年である。長い間の人権災難と困難かつ曲折に満ちた闘いの歴史の後に、目覚めた中国国民は、自由・平等・人権が人類共同の普遍的価値であり、民主・共和・憲政が現代政治の基本的制度枠組みであることを日増しにはっきりと認識しつつある。こうした普遍的価値と基本的政治制度枠組みを取り除いた「現代化」は、人の権利をはく奪し、人間性を腐らせ、人の尊厳を踏みにじる災難である。21世紀の中国がどこに向かうのか。この種の権威主義的統治下の「現代化」か？ それとも普遍的価値を認め、主流文明に溶け込み、民主政体を樹立するのか？ それは避けることのできない選択である。
19世紀中葉の歴史の激変は、中国の伝統的専制制度の腐敗を暴露し、中華大地の「数千年間なかった大変動」の序幕を開いた。洋務運動はうつわ面での改良を追求し、甲午戦争（日清戦争1894年）の敗戦は再び体制の時代遅れを暴露した。戊戌変法（1898年）は制度面での革新に触れたために、守旧派の残酷な鎮圧にあって失敗した。辛亥革命（1911年）は表面的には2000年余り続いた皇帝制度を埋葬し、アジアで最初の共和国を建国した。しかし、当時の内憂外患の歴史的条件に阻害され、共和政体はごく短命に終わり、専制主義が捲土重来した。うつわの模倣と制度更新の失敗は、国民に文化的病根に対する反省を促し、ついに「科学と民主」を旗印とする「五四」新文化運動がおこったが、内戦の頻発と外敵の侵入により、中国政治の民主化過程は中断された。抗日戦争勝利後の中国は再び憲政をスタートさせたが、国共内戦の結果は中国を現代版全体主義の深淵に陥れた。1949年に建国した「新中国」は、名義上は「人民共和国」だが、実際は「党の天下」であった。政権党はすべての政治・経済・社会資源を独占し、反右派闘争、大躍進、文革、六四、民間宗教および人権擁護活動弾圧など一連の人権災害を引き起こし、数千万人の命を奪い、国民と国家は甚だしい代価を支払わされた。
20世紀後期の「改革開放」で、中国は毛沢東時代の普遍的貧困と絶対的全体主義から抜け出し、民間の富と民衆の生活水準は大幅に向上し、個人の経済的自由と社会的権利は部分的に回復し、市民社会が育ち始め、民間の人権と政治的自由への要求は日増しに高まっている。統治者も市場化と私有化の経済改革を進めると同時に、人権の拒絶から徐々に人権を認める方向に変わっている。中国政府は、1997年、1998年にそれぞれ二つの重要な国際人権規約に署名し、全国人民代表大会は2004年の憲法改正で「人権の尊重と保障」を憲法に書き込んだ。今年はまた「国家人権行動計画」を制定し、実行することを約束した。しかし、こうした政治的進歩はいままでのところほとんど紙の上にとどまっている。法律があっても法治がなく、憲法があっても憲政がなく、依然として誰もが知っている政治的現実がある。統治集団は引き続き権威主義統治を維持し、政治改革を拒絶している。そのため官僚は腐敗し、法治は実現せず、人権は色あせ、道徳は滅び、社会は二極分化し、経済は奇形的発展をし、自然環境と人文環境は二重に破壊され、国民の自由・財産・幸福追求の権利は制度的保障を得られず、各種の社会矛盾が蓄積し続け、不満は高まり続けている。とりわけ官民対立の激化と、騒乱事件の激増はまさに破滅的な制御不能に向かっており、現行体制の時代遅れは直ちに改めざるをえない状態に立ち至っている。
二、我々の基本理念
中国の将来の運命を決めるこの歴史の岐路に立って、百年来の近代化の歴史を顧みたとき、下記の基本理念を再び述べる必要がある。
自由：自由は普遍的価値の核心である。言論・出版・信仰・集会・結社・移動・ストライキ・デモ行進などの権利は自由の具体的表現である。自由が盛んでなければ、現代文明とはいえない。
人権：人権は国家が賜与するものではなく、すべての人が生まれながらに有する権利である。人権保障は、政府の主な目標であり、公権力の合法性の基礎であり、また「人をもって本とす」（最近の中共のスローガン「以人為本」）の内在的要求である。中国のこれまでの毎回の政治災害はいずれも統治当局が人権を無視したことと密接に関係する。人は国家の主体であり、国家は人民に奉仕し、政府は人民のために存在するのである。
平等：ひとりひとりの人は、社会的地位・職業・性別・経済状況・人種・肌の色・宗教・政治的信条にかかわらず、その人格・尊厳・自由はみな平等である。法の下でのすべての人の平等の原則は必ず実現されなければならず、国民の社会的・経済的・文化的・政治的権利の平等の原則が実現されなければならない。
共和：共和とはすなわち「皆がともに治め、平和的に共存する」ことである。それは権力分立によるチェック・アンド・バランスと利益均衡であり、多くの利益要素・さまざまな社会集団・多元的な文化と信条を追求する集団が、平等な参加・公平な競争・共同の政治対話の基礎の上に、平和的方法で公共の事務を処理することである。
民主：もっとも基本的な意味は主権在民と民選政府である。民主には以下の基本的特徴がある。
（1）政府の合法性は人民に由来し、政治権力の源は人民である。
（2）政治的統治は人民の選択を経てなされる。
（3）国民は真正の選挙権を享有し、各級政府の主要政務官吏は必ず定期的な選挙によって選ばれなければならない。
（4）多数者の決定を尊重し、同時に少数者の基本的人権を尊重する。一言でいえば、民主は政府を「民有、民治、民享」の現代の公器である。
憲政：憲政は法律と法に基づく統治により憲法が定めた国民の基本的自由と権利を保障する原則である。それは、政府の権力と行為の限界を線引きし、あわせて対応する制度的措置を提供する。
中国では、帝国皇帝の権力の時代はすでに過去のものとなった。世界的にも、権威主義体制はすでに黄昏が近い。国民は本当の国家の主人になるべきである。「明君」、「清官」に依存する臣民意識を払いのけ、権利を基本とし参加を責任とする市民意識を広め、自由を実践し、民主を自ら行い、法の支配を順守することこそが中国の根本的な活路である。
三、我々の基本的主張
そのために、我々は責任をもって、また建設的な公民精神によって国家政治制度と市民的権利および社会発展の諸問題について以下の具体的な主張をする。
憲法改正：前述の価値理念に基づいて憲法を改正し、現行憲法の中の主権在民原則にそぐわない条文を削除し、憲法を本当に人権の保証書および公権力への許可証にし、いかなる個人・団体・党派も違反してはならない実施可能な最高法規とし、中国の民主化の法的な基礎を固める。
権力分立：権力分立の現代的政府を作り、立法・司法・行政三権分立を保証する。法に基づく行政と責任政府の原則を確立し、行政権力の過剰な拡張を防止する。政府は納税者に対して責任を持たなければならない。中央と地方の間に権力分立とチェック・アンド・バランスの制度を確立し、中央権力は必ず憲法で授権の範囲を定められなければならず、地方は充分に自治を実施する。
立法民主：各級立法機関は直接選挙により選出され、立法は公平正義の原則を堅持し、立法民主を行う。
司法の独立：司法は党派を超越し、いかなる干渉も受けず、司法の独立を行い、司法の公正を保障する。憲法裁判所を設立し、違憲審査制度をつくり、憲法の権威を守る。可及的速やかに国の法治を深刻に脅かす共産党の各級政法委員会を解散させ、公器の私用を防ぐ。
公器公用：軍隊の国家化を実現する。軍人は憲法に忠誠を誓い、国家に忠誠を誓わなければならない。政党組織は軍隊から退出しなければならない。軍隊の職業化レベルを高める。警察を含むすべての公務員は政治的中立を守らなければならない。公務員任用における党派差別を撤廃し、党派にかかわらず平等に任用する。
人権保障：人権を確実に保障し、人の尊厳を守る。最高民意機関が責任を有する人権委員会を設立し、政府が公権力を乱用して人権を侵害することを防ぐ。とりわけ国民の人身の自由は保障されねばならず、何人も不法な逮捕・拘禁・召喚・尋問・処罰を受けない。労働教養制度（行政罰としての懲役）を廃止する。
公職選挙：全面的に民主選挙制度を実施し、一人一票の平等選挙を実現する。各級行政首長の直接選挙は制度化され段階的に実施されなければならない。定期的な自由競争選挙と法定の公職への国民の選挙参加は奪うことのできない基本的人権である。
都市と農村の平等：現行の都市と農村二元戸籍制度を廃止し、国民一律平等の憲法上の権利を実現し、国民の移動の自由の権利を保障する。
結社の自由：国民の結社の自由権を保障し、現行の社団登記許可制を届出制に改める。結社の制限を撤廃し、憲法と法律により政党の行為を定め、一党独占の統治特権を廃止し、政党活動の自由と公平競争の原則を確立し、政党政治の正常化と法制化を実現する。
集会の自由：平和的集会・デモ・示威行動など表現の自由は、憲法の定める国民の基本的自由であり、政権党と政府は不法な干渉や違憲の制限を加えてはならない。
言論の自由：言論の自由・出版の自由・学術研究の自由を実現し、国民の知る権利と監督権を保障する。「新聞法」と「出版法」を制定し、報道の制限を撤廃し、現行「刑法」中の「国家政権転覆扇動罪」条項を廃止し、言論の処罰を根絶する。
宗教の自由：宗教の自由と信仰の自由を保障する。政教分離を実施し、宗教活動が政府の干渉を受けないようにする。国民の宗教的自由を制限する行政法規・行政規則・地方法規を審査し撤廃する。行政が立法により宗教活動を管理することを禁止する。宗教団体（宗教活動場所を含む）は登記されて初めて合法的地位を獲得するという事前許可制を撤廃し、これに代えていかなる審査も必要としない届出制とする。
国民教育：一党統治への奉仕や濃厚なイデオロギー的色彩の政治教育と政治試験を廃止し、普遍的価値と市民的権利を基本とする国民教育を推進し、国民意識を確立し、社会に奉仕する国民の美徳を提唱する。
財産の保護：私有財産権を確立し保護する。自由で開かれた市場経済制度を行い、創業の自由を保障し、行政による独占を排除する。最高民意機関が責任を有する国有資産管理委員会を設立し、合法的に秩序立って財産権改革を進め、財産権の帰属と責任者を明確にする。新土地運動を展開し、土地の私有化を推進し、国民とりわけ農民の土地所有権を確実に保障する。
財税改革：財政民主主義を確立し納税者の権利を保障する。権限と責任の明確な公共財政制度の枠組みと運営メカニズムを構築し、各級政府の合理的な財政分権体系を構築する。税制の大改革を行い、税率を低減し、税制を簡素化し、税負担を公平化する。公共選択や民意機関の決議を経ずに、行政部門は増税・新規課税を行ってはならない。財産権改革を通じて、多元的市場主体と競争メカニズムを導入し、金融参入の敷居を下げ、民間金融の発展に条件を提供し、金融システムの活力を充分に発揮させる。
社会保障：全国民をカバーする社会保障制度を構築し、国民の教育・医療・養老・就職などの面でだれもが最も基本的な保障を得られるようにする。
環境保護：生態環境を保護し、持続可能な開発を提唱し、子孫と全人類に責任を果たす。国家と各級官吏は必ずそのために相応の責任を負わなければならないことを明確にする。民間組織の環境保護における参加と監督作用を発揮させる。
連邦共和：平等・公正の態度で地区の平和と発展を維持し、責任ある大国のイメージを作る。香港・マカオの自由制度を維持する。自由民主の前提のもとに、平等な協議と相互協力により海峡両岸の和解案を追求する。大きな知恵で各民族の共同の繁栄が可能な道と制度設計を探求し、立憲民主制の枠組みの下で中華連邦共和国を樹立する。
正義の転換：これまでの度重なる政治運動で政治的迫害を受けた人々とその家族の名誉を回復し、国家賠償を行う。すべての政治犯と良心の囚人を釈放する。すべての信仰により罪に問われた人々を釈放する。真相調査委員会を設立し歴史的事件の真相を解明し、責任を明らかにし、正義を鼓舞する。それを基礎として社会の和解を追求する。
四、結語
中国は世界の大国として、国連安全保障理事会の5つの常任理事国の一つとしてまた人権理事会のメンバーとして、人類の平和事業と人権の進歩のために貢献すべきである。しかし遺憾なことに、今日の世界のすべての大国の中で、ただ中国だけがいまだに権威主義の政治の中にいる。またそのために絶え間なく人権災害と社会危機が発生しており、中華民族の発展を縛り、人類文明の進歩を制約している。このような局面は絶対に改めねばならない！ 政治の民主改革はもう後には延ばせない。
そこで、我々は実行の勇気という市民的精神に基づき、「08憲章」を発表する。我々はすべての危機感・責任感・使命感を共有する中国国民が、朝野の別なく、身分にかかわらず、小異を残して大同につき、積極的に市民運動に参加し、共に中国社会の偉大な変革を推進し、できるだけ早く自由・民主・憲政の国家を作り上げ、国民が百年以上の間根気よく追求し続けてきた夢を共に実現することを希望する。
括弧内は訳注。
Charter 08 (English Version)
Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
The following text of Charter 08, signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals and translated and introduced by Perry Link, Professor of Chinese Literature at the University of California, Riverside, will be published in the issue of The New York Review dated January 15, which goes on sale on January 2.
—The Editors
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a
loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
—Perry Link
Frederick Douglass Book Prize Announcement
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to “modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China’s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China’s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a “cultural illness” was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of “science and democracy.” Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The “new China” that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that “the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful.” The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens’ rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of “Reform and Opening” gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of “rights” to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase “respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a “national human rights action plan.” Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China’s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics:
(1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people.
(2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make.
(3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections.
(4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an “enlightened overlord” or an “honest official” and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development:
A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China’s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of “Reeducation through Labor” must be abolished.
Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on “one person, one vote.” The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be “approved,” should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to “the crime of incitement to subvert state power” must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens’ rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China’s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens’ movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
2008年12月18日星期四
网络评论员（五毛党）大全集
转自：河蟹上岸
http://www.dahe.cn/xwzx/zt/hnzt/07internet/huaxv/t20071107_1193895.htm
2004 年底，中纪委监察部对来自全中国的一百二十七名网络评论员完成了培训，并专门组建了网络宣传工作领导小组，名为"反腐倡廉网络宣传工作领导小组"，并且和中宣部，中央外宣办，以及人民网，新华网等组成了网络宣传工作联席会议制度，统一管理和调控网络新闻和舆论。
http://qx.cqnews.net/system/2008/02/22/001079129.shtml
华龙网讯(万州记者站记者谷显刚) "在网上为群众解读国家政策，阐释社会热点，分析新闻事件……都属于政府网络评论员的职责。"昨日，万州区正式启动了政府网络评论员队伍组建工作，各部门和单位都将产生一定数量的"政府网络评论员"。
据了解，为了让积极、健康、向上的正面舆论占领互联网阵地，在互联网上树立良好的政府公众形象，以及提高群众对互联网信息的正确判别能力，该区专门成立了互联网宣传管理领导小组，负责开展政府网络评论员队伍建设。
据悉，政府网络评论员选拔的条件是必须具备良好的政治素质，热爱网评工作，熟悉国家法律法规，熟悉本部门(或单位)情况，有一定的写作功底，同时熟悉网络技术操作。
政府网络评论员采取兼职工作方式，其工作内容主要包括通过网上发表评论文章、新闻跟帖、博客等，要求用正确的思想、准确的事实、客观的态度，正确解读国家政策，冷静阐释社会热点，理性分析新闻事件，以达到为群众解惑释疑、澄清事实、舒缓情绪、化解矛盾、批驳谣言的目的。
http://sx.people.com.cn/GB/channel2/25/200811/19/42320.html
真实是网络评论的生命，这是网络评论员必须遵循的第一信条。真实，即与事实相符合，网络评论除了事件、人物、地点、时间、原因等必须准确无误，还必须是现象真实与本质真实的统一，符合客观实际，准确反映本质。但是,我们也应该看到，现在网络中也有一些不真实、不可信的评论，有的为了吸引人们的眼球，增加网站的点击率，随心所欲、妄加评论，在社会上造成了极坏的负面影响。笔者以为，要让真实、可信的声音占领网络评论阵地，网络评论员应坚持做到以下几点：
深入实际调查研究。要使网络评论成为刺向腐败势力的"匕首"和 "投枪"，就要贴近基层、贴近群众、贴近实际，了解广大网民想些什么，需要什么，从群众中找思想、找观点、找事例。坚持以实事求是的态度研究解决改革和发展中的新情况、新问题。坚持以实事求是的精神创造性地开展工作。打破思维定势，启发创造性思维，防止出现种种脱离实际的倾向，坚持把实事求是作为调研工作的生命线。
以事实为依据，如实反映本地区、本部门的成绩和存在的问题，敢于喜忧兼报，坦荡直言，讲真话、讲实话，不粉饰太平，不掩盖问题。深入细致，多搞专题调查、少搞一般性综合调查，多搞蹲点调查、少搞跑面调查，多搞直接调查、少搞间接调查，不搞"花拳绣腿"，力求反映客观实际，重在解决问题。
贴近中央反腐要求。贴近反腐败斗争实际组织撰写的网评，才能真实、可信，具有较强的战斗力。不要为了吸引人们的眼球，而"想写什么、就写什么"。首先，要加强对党中央关于开展反腐斗争文件精神的学习理解，领会精神实质，进一步把思想认识统一到中央精神上来。其次，要把中央的精神与本地区、本部门、本单位的实际紧密结合起来，有组织、有计划、有步骤地开展群众性网评活动；第三，要在上级纪检监察部门的正确领导下，充分发挥网络评论员的创造性、主动性和聪明才智，写出一批群众欢迎、组织满意的反腐倡廉网评来。 同错误言论作斗争。由于互联网的开放特性，各种自由化言论铺天而来。作为网络评论就要有胆量与各种错误言论作斗争，不能对各种腐败现象视而不见，不能对于国于集体有害之事充耳不闻，只要我们多发表正面言论，正确引导，各种错误思想、错误观点、错误倾向，就会失去市场，败下阵来。
http://www.gmw.cn/content/2008-12/09/content_862281.htm
一支优秀的网络评论员队伍也是和谐校园网络文化建设不可或缺的力量。不断发展和吸纳政治可靠、思想健康、熟悉网络传播规律和语言习惯的青年教师、学生干部进入网络评论员队伍,将会对有效引导和管控校园网络舆论、及时了解和掌握学生思想动向、不断巩固社会主义核心价值体系在校园文化中的核心地位起到积极而关键的作用。
http://news.sina.com.cn/o/2008-12-09/043014849717s.shtml
楚网开通《科学发展观在湖北》专题网站，综合运用文字、图片、音视频、手机短信等多种方式，及时报道学习实践活动的先进典型和理论研究成果。充分利用网络评论、社区等多种互动板块，积极反映网民心声。至11月底，荆楚网共组织评论文章200多篇，累计发稿1048篇，专栏点击量达59万人次，成为凝聚广大网民对学习实践活动共识的重要载体和桥梁。
http://www.gx.xinhuanet.com/dtzx/2008-12/09/content_15135562.htm
他们的主要做法：一是围绕反腐倡廉建设有针对性地组织网上主题宣传，形成正面舆论强势。坚持和完善反腐倡廉网上宣传联席会议制度，形成网上宣传合力。二是建立一支具备较高政治素质、熟悉宣传文化工作、掌握网络传播技术的复合型网络评论员队伍，加强网络评论工作。三是加强网上舆情研判和信息报送工作。及时追踪、反映网上反腐败舆情动向，有效防范和遏制有害信息的传播。
http://www.habc.edu.cn/news/news_view.asp?newsid=1157
于建立河南商专网络评论员队伍的通知
校党委宣传部
（二○○七年六月二十七日）
各党总支、直属党支部：
为认真贯彻落实省高工委、省教育厅教社政[2007]405号《中共河南省委高校工委、河南省教育厅关于加强高校网络评论员队伍建设的意见》精神，牢牢把握网上舆论主导权，为我校改革发展稳定提供良好的舆论环境，努力构建社会主义和谐校园，现就建立我校网络评论员队伍工作作如下通知：
一、充分认识加强网络评论员队伍建设的必要性
http://yhnews.zjol.com.cn/xwzx/yhxw/t20070117_115721.htm
为进一步推进网络舆论引导工作，树立起玉环良好的网上形象，1月16日下午，全县网络评论员工作会议在县政府六楼会议室召开，30多位网络评论员正式受聘上岗。
台州市国际互联网中心主任、市委外宣办副主任陈玮麟应邀为新上任的网评员讲课，系统介绍了对互联网发展现状的认识、网络评论工作的要求及方式方法等。
http://zt.cjn.cn/5zn/dsj/200708/t459846.htm
长江网讯 （记者 邹丹）今天上午，长江网举办网络评论员培训班，来自全市各条战线的10多名长江网评员参加了培训。培训从理论和实际操作两方面介绍了现今网上舆论监督的形势和方法。
参加培训的网评员表示，将紧扣市委市政府中心工作和重大决策，有组织性地开展网上宣传，有针对性地开展网上评论，有目的性开展网上引导；针对社会关注的问题，主动开展网上评论，有效引导网上舆论，处置有害信息，占领网上舆论的制高点，为建设和谐的网上舆论环境作出贡献
http://www.xjufe.edu.cn/news/show.aspx?id=5268
建立网络评论员队伍，是新形势下进一步加强和改进大学生思想政治教育工作的有益尝试。为进一步加强网络阵地建设为学校的改革、建设与发展营造和谐氛围，拓展学生勤工俭学岗位，现面向全校学生招聘网络评论员若干名，现将有关事宜通知如下：
一、 岗位职责
网络评论员要在学校网络舆论管理领导小组的领导下，关注有关
舆论动态，敏锐扑捉舆论动向；宣传学校改革、发展的成果，树立学校良好形象；在线解答师生员工提出的问题，发布各种积极、健康的讨论主题，引导网络论坛正确的舆论方向等。
http://www.leiyang.gov.cn/xwzx/detail.asp?Article_ID=8088
本网讯为了进一步提高新闻报道人员的业务素质，加强通讯员和网络评论员队伍建设，提升自身素质和水平，7月18日下午，由市委宣传部主办的全市新闻通讯员、网络评论员培训班在市政府一楼会议室举行，来自全市各乡镇街道办事处和市直机关各单位的新闻通讯员和网络评论员参加了本次培训。培训班活动由市委宣传部副部长、新闻办主任谭才余主持。
培训班就新闻宣传指导思想、写作重点、宣传要求、写作创新以及如何当好网络评论员、正确引导舆论导向等有关知识进行了讲座。
市委宣传部副部长、新闻办主任谭才余要求，新闻通讯员要不断创新，提升宣传水平，为建设富强和谐美好的新耒阳营造浓厚舆论氛围；网络评论员要做到政治强、业务精、作风正、纪律严，要配合市委、市政府的中心工作和重大决策部署，主动把握基层动态，充分利用网络优势，把握好网络新闻评论的度。要进行正确的舆论引导，多关注网上动态信息，多进行网上正面舆论引导，为耒阳的经济社会全面、协调、可持续发展做出积极的贡献。[蒋良勇]
http://www.leshan.cn/lsnews/news/tt/userobject1ai202910.html
本网讯（记者 顾爱刚）昨（10）日，乐山新闻网站正式聘请了首批网络评论员8名，在网上为群众解读国家政策，阐释社会热点，分析新闻事件等。
乐山新闻网站向网络评论员发聘书
据了解，首批网络评论员来自政府机关和部分单位，有良好的政治素质，熟悉国家法律法规，有较强的写作功底。网络评论员的工作主要是通过网上发表评论文章、新闻跟帖、博客等，用正确的思想、准确的事实、客观的态度，正确解读国家政策，冷静阐释社会热点、理性分析新闻事件，从而达到解疑释惑、澄清事实、化解矛盾、批驳谣言的目的。
http://www.yzxcw.cn/E_ReadNews.asp?NewsId=292
各网络评论员：
近期，山东省网络文化办公室拟对各市聘评论员队伍进行备案管理，以便对省内评论员情况有一个全面了解。请各网络评论员于2008年9月20日前将登记表报市互联网管理办公室（行政办公中心A区819室）。
http://www.jyb.cn/cm/jycm/beijing/zgjyb/2b/t20070713_98317.htm
本报讯（记者 孙军）日前，青岛市四方区教育体育局组建了网络评论员队伍，全区47所中小学及幼儿园已有网络评论员和分管领导100余人。
青岛市四方区教育体育局局长戴新阁告诉记者，今后，学校的教师网络评论员要主动介入校园 BBS和校外一些网站的交互式栏目，在网上就师生和社会关注的教育、教学及学生心理健康发展等热点问题、难点问题参与评论，主动发帖、积极跟帖。在发生突发事件的关键时刻或招生、毕业等时期，及时撰写有深度、有说服力的文章和帖文。
http://www.cxjjjc.gov.cn/Article_Show.asp?ArticleID=88
12月23日至25日,中央纪委监察部在北京举办了全国纪检监察系统网络评论员培训班。中央纪委副书记刘峰岩在开班式上强调，要认真贯彻落实党的十六大和十六届三中、四中全会精神，牢牢把握正确舆论导向，不断提高反腐倡廉网络宣传工作水平。中央纪委常委吴玉良出席培训班结业式并作了专题报告。
为贯彻落实中央关于加强网络建设的重要精神和中央纪委主要领导关于加强反腐倡廉网络宣传工作的一系列要求，中央纪委监察部今年成立了反腐倡廉网络宣传工作领导小组，组建了网络宣传工作专门机构，建立了有中宣部、中央外宣办等中央有关单位的职能部门和人民网、新华网等中央重点新闻网站参加的反腐倡廉网络宣传工作联席会议制度，纳入了"大宣教"工作格局。最近，领导小组专门召开会议，学习了中央有关精神和中央纪委主要领导的有关意见，确定了近期要做好的十项工作。按照领导小组的安排，召开了第六次反腐倡廉网络宣传工作联席会议，采取以会代训的方式，对各省区市、新疆生产建设兵团和副省级城市纪检监察机关以及中央纪委监察部机关127名网络评论员进行了培训。
刘峰岩在开班式上，介绍了当前互联网的发展及特点，阐述了反腐倡廉网络宣传工作的重要性、必要性、紧迫性和艰巨性，提出了有针对性的要求。他强调，反腐倡廉网络宣传工作，是党风廉政建设宣传工作的重要内容，是党的宣传工作的重要组成部分，必须坚持正确的舆论导向，始终同党中央保持高度一致，贴近实际、贴近生活、贴近群众，摸索规律，体现特色，增强针对性、实效性和吸引力、感染力，打好主动仗，疏导、引导好网上反腐倡廉舆论。
刘峰岩要求，纪检监察宣传教育部门要充分发挥职能作用，加强组织协调，集思广益，形成合力，及时掌握网上反腐倡廉舆情动态，有针对性地开展网络宣传工作；网络评论员要坚持正确的政治方向、政治原则、政治立场，干中学、学中干，撰写文章要实事求是、短小精悍，使网民易于接受，要做到想干事、会干事、干成事。
http://www.chinazhijiang.gov.cn/Article/ArticleShow.asp?ArticleID=1934
为提高通讯员新闻写作水平和网络评论员的业务水平，加大对内、对外宣传力度。8月6日，芷江县在我县委党校多媒体教室举办了为期一天的新闻通讯员暨网络评论培训班。来自我县80多名新闻爱好者和网络评论员参加了此次培训班。
在培训班上，市委宣传部外宣办主任王民良、《边城晚报》副总编辑杨顺东、《怀化新闻网》站长曾照宇分别就网络评论、通讯写作、网络媒体发展的现状和趋势，对新闻通讯员和网络评论员进行了全面、系统地业务培训。
http://www.clx**.gov.cn/ReadNews.asp?NewsID=1417
昌黎县百人网络评论员筑起反腐舆论屏障
近日，来自昌黎县各个行业的100名网络评论员活跃在各大知名网站的反腐倡廉论坛里，他们围绕反腐倡廉各项重点工作和网上反腐败舆论焦点问题，及时撰写信息和评论文章，全面准确地宣传中央精神和中央纪委的部署，对群众普遍关注的热点问题，站好立足点、找准切入点，及时解疑释惑，进行正确引导；对损害群众利益的不正之风，对不良社会风气和丑恶社会现象进行有力地批判和鞭挞，形成舆论宣传的强大合力和整体效应，大力营造风清气正的良好社会氛围。评论员们是经过推荐和层层选拔产生的，均具有较强的政治敏感性和较高的写作水平，县纪委对他们的评论工作定期进行培训和指导。截止目前，这支队伍已在全国各大网站发布信息及评论数百条。
http://203.208.37.104/search?q=cache:E6ZjLBixjZQJ:www.zbnc.edu.cn/Article/UploadFiles/200712/20071229104042642.doc+%E6%99%AF%E5%BE%B7%E9%95%87%E9%AB%98%E4%B8%93%E2%80%9C%E6%80%9D%E6%94%BF%E7%BD%91%E2%80%9D%E7%BD%91%E7%BB%9C%E8%AF%84%E8%AE%BA%E5%91%98%E7%94%B3%E8%AF%B7%E8%A1%A8%EF%BC%88%E5%AD%A6%E7%94%9F%EF%BC%89&hl=zh-CN&ct=clnk&cd=5&gl=cn&st_usg=ALhdy29x7GeL2qF3g8Ga9iuzUJsTKUQ2Fg
景德镇高专"思政网"网络评论员申请表（学生）
http://www.juchuang.net/news_show.asp?id=215
区委宣传部网络评论员会议在我公司举行
http://news.sxrtv.com/link/0/344/content344763.jsp?pid=2&CatalogNumber=SXWS15&ProgramID=344763
全省第三批网络编辑和网络评论员培训班开班 音视频 更多
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山西视听网 [山西卫视 - 山西新闻联播]
http://www.sxrtv.com/ (2008年11月19日)
今天上午，全省网络编辑和网络评论员第三期培训班在太原开班。
省委常委、宣传部长高建民强调，我省网络文化建设和互联网新闻宣传工作要坚持正确导向，展示山西良好形象，树立大局意识；要建设一支政治强、业务精、作风正、纪律严的互联网新闻宣传队伍。同时，通过多种途径加大培训力度，壮大我省网络评论员队伍，为我省"三个发展"营造良好的网络舆论环境。
这是山西台报道的。
http://pinglun.eastday.com/eastday/pinglun/p/20081212/u1a4039725.html
受聘担任东方网评论员之后，在互联网宣传和网络评论领域驰骋不息，佳作频频，至今已经在东方网上发表了200篇网络评论文章，是东方网评论员队伍中的"快枪手"、"狙击手"、"重炮手"。
感谢网友宣传部部长freedom2008的收集整理
Translation of "08 Charter"，《零八宪章》英文全文翻译
来源：中国人权
A group of 303 Chinese writers, intellectuals, lawyers, journalists, retired Party officials, workers, peasants, and businessmen have issued an open letter -- the "08 Charter" -- calling for legal reforms, democracy and protection of human rights in China. An English translation of the Charter by Human Rights in China is below.
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"08 Charter"
Preamble
This year is the 100th year of China's Constitution, the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the birth of the Democracy Wall, and the 10th year since China signed the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights. After experiencing a prolonged period of human rights disasters and a tortuous struggle and resistance, the awakening Chinese citizens are increasingly and more clearly recognizing that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal common values shared by all humankind, and that democracy, a republic, and constitutionalism constitute the basic structural framework of modern governance. A "modernization" bereft of these universal values and this basic political framework is a disastrous process that deprives humans of their rights, corrodes human nature, and destroys human dignity. Where will China head in the 21st century? Continue a "modernization" under this kind of authoritarian rule? Or recognize universal values, assimilate into the mainstream civilization, and build a democratic political system? This is a major decision that cannot be avoided.
The monumental historic transformation in the mid-19th century exposed the decay of the traditional Chinese despotic system and ushered in the most "unprecedented and cataclysmic change in several thousands of years" in all of China. The Self-strengthening Movement (c 1861-1894) sought the improvement of China's technical capacity. The defeat in the first Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) once more exposed the anachronism of the political system. The Hundred Day Reform touched upon institutional innovations, but was a failure in the end because of the cruel suppression of the die-hard clique. On the surface, the Xinhai Revolution (1911) buried the imperial system that had lasted for more than 2,000 years and established Asia's first republic. But, limited by the historical factors determined by internal trouble and external aggression, the republican political system lasted only for an instant, and despotism quickly returned.
The failure of imitating mechanical innovation and institutional renewal prompted deep reflection among the people of the nation on the roots of this cultural sickness, which resulted in the "May 4" new culture movement under the banner of "science and democracy." Because of frequent civil wars and invasions by external enemies, the course of China's political democratization was forced to stop. The course of a constitutional government was initiated again after the victory in the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945), but the result of the civil war between the Kuomintang (the Nationalist Party) and the Communist Party caused China to sink into the abyss of the totalitarianism of the modern era. The "New China" established in 1949 is a "people's republic" in name only. In fact, it is under the "Party's dominion." The ruling power monopolizes all the political, economic and social resources. It created a string of human rights catastrophes such as the Anti-Rightist Campaign, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, June 4, and attacks on non-governmental religious activities and on the rights defense movement, causing tens of millions of deaths, and exacted a disastrous price on the people and the country.
The "reform and opening up" of the late 20th century extricated China from the pervasive poverty and absolute power in the Mao Zedong era, and substantially increased private wealth and the standard of living of the masses. Individual economic freedom and social privileges were partially restored, a civil society began to grow, and the calls for human rights and political freedom among the people increased by the day. Those in power, as they were implementing economic reforms aimed at marketization and privatization, also began to move from a position of rejecting human rights to one of gradually recognizing them. In 1997 and 1998, the Chinese government signed two important international human rights treaties. In 2004, the National People's Congress amended the Constitution to include language to "respect and safeguard human rights." And this year, [the government] has promised to formulate and implement a "National Human Rights Action Plan." However, this political progress stops at the paper stage. There are laws but there is no rule of law. There is a constitution but no constitutional governance. And there is still the political reality that is obvious for all to see. The power bloc continues to insist on maintaining the authoritarian regime, rejecting political reform. This has caused corruption in officialdom, difficulty in establishing rule of law, and no protection of human rights, the loss of ethics, the polarization of society, warped economic development, damages in the natural and human environments, no systematic protection of the rights to property and the pursuit of happiness, the accumulation of countless social conflicts, and the continuous rise of resentment. In particular, the intensification of hostility between government officials and the ordinary people, and the dramatic rise of mass incidents, illustrate a catastrophic loss of control in the making, and the anachronism of the current system has reached a point where change must occur.
II. Our Fundamental Concepts
At this historical juncture of the future destiny of China, it is necessary to rethink the last 100 years of modernization and reaffirm the following concepts:
Freedom: Freedom is at the core of universal values. The rights of speech, publication, belief, assembly, association, movement, and to demonstrate are all the concrete realizations of freedom. If freedom is not flourishing, then there is no modern civilization of which to speak.
Human Rights: Human rights are not bestowed by the state, but are rights that each person is born with and enjoys. To ensure/guarantee human rights must be the foundation of the first objective of government and lawful public authority, and is also the inherent demand of "putting people first." The past political calamities of China are all closely related to the disregard of human rights by the ruling authorities.
Equality: Each individual, regardless of social status, occupation, gender, economic situation, ethnic group, skin color, religion, or political belief, is equal in human dignity and freedom. The principle of equality before the law and a citizen's society must be implemented; the principle of equality of economic, cultural, and political rights must be implemented.
Republicanism: Republicanism is "governing together; living peacefully together," □ that is, the decentralization of power and balancing of interests, that is comprised of diverse interests, different social groups, pluralistic culture and groups seeking religious belief, on the foundation of equal participation, peaceful competition, public discussion, and peaceful handling of public affairs.
Democracy: The most basic meaning is that sovereignty resides in the people and the people elect government. Democracy has the following basic characteristics: (1) the legitimacy of government comes from the people, the source of government power is the people; (2) government must be chosen by the people; (3) citizens enjoy the right to vote, important civil servants and officials of all levels should be produced through elections at fixed times; (4) the decisions of the majority must be respected while protecting the basic rights of the minority. In a word, democracy will become the modern tool for making government one "from the people, by the people, and for the people."
Constitutionalism: Constitutionalism is the principle of protecting basic constitutionally-guaranteed freedoms and rights of citizens through law and a rule of law, delimiting the boundaries of government power and actions, and providing corresponding systemic capacity.
In China, the era of imperial power has long passed and will not return; in the world, authoritarian systems are approaching the dusk of their endings. The only fundamental way out for China: citizens should become the true masters of the nation, throw off the consciousness of reliance on a wise ruler or honest and upright official, make widely public civic consciousness of the centrality of rights and the responsibility of participation, and practice freedom, democracy, and respect for law.
III. Our basic standpoint
In line with a responsible and constructive citizens' spirit towards the country's political system, civil rights and various aspects of social development, we put forward the following specific standpoints:
IV. Conclusion
China, as a great nation of the world, one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and a member of the Human Rights Council, should contribute to peace for humankind and progress in human rights. But to people's regret, among the great nations of the world, China, alone, still clings to an authoritarian political way of life. As a result, it has caused an unbroken chain of human rights disasters and social crises, held back the development of the Chinese people, and hindered the progress of human civilization. This situation must change! The reform of political democratization can no longer be delayed.
Because of this, we, with a civic spirit that dares to act, publish the "08 Charter." We hope that all Chinese citizens who share this sense of crisis, responsibility and mission, without distinction between the government or the public, regardless of status, will hold back our differences to seek common ground, actively participate in this citizens' movement, and jointly promote the great transformation of the Chinese society, so that we can establish a free, democratic and constitutional nation in the near future and fulfill the dreams that our people have pursued tirelessly for more than a hundred years.
Signed
Yu Haocheng于浩成 (Beijing, Legal Scholar)
Zhang Sizhi 张思之 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Mao Yushi茅于轼 (Beijing, Economist)
Du Guang杜 光 (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Li Pu李 普 (Beijing, Senior Journalist)
Sha Yexin 沙叶新 (Shanghai, Playwright)
Liu Shahe流沙河 (Sichuan, Poet)
Wu Maohua 吴茂华 (Sichuan, Writer)
Zhang Xianyang 张显扬 (Beijing, Ideologist)
Sun Wenguang 孙文广 (Shandong, Professor)
Bao Tong 鲍 彤 (Beijing, Citizen)
Ding Ziling 丁子霖 (Beijing, Professor)
Zhang Xianling 张先玲 (Beijing, Engineer)
Xu Jue 徐 珏 (Beijing, Researcher)
Jiang Peikun 蒋培坤 (Beijing, Professor)
Liu Xiaobo 刘晓波 (Beijing, Writer)
Zhang Zuhua 张祖桦 (Beijing, Constitutional Scholar)
Gao Yu 高 瑜 (Beijing, Journalist)
Dai Qing戴 晴 (Beijing, Writer)
Jiang Qisheng 江棋生 (Beijing, Scholar)
Ai Xiaoming 艾晓明 (Guangdong, Professor)
Liu Junning 刘军宁 (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Zhang Xukun 张旭昆 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Xu Youyu 徐友渔 (Beijing, Philosopher)
He Weifang 贺卫方 (Beijing, Legal Scholar)
Mo Shaoping 莫少平 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Chen Ziming 陈子明 (Beijing, Scholar)
Zhang Boshu 张博树 (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Cui Weiping 崔卫平 (Beijing, Scholar)
He Guanghu 何光沪 (Theologian)
Hao Jian 郝 建 (Beijing, Scholar)
Shen Minhua 沈敏骅 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Li Datong 李大同 (Beijing, Journalist)
Li Xianting 栗宪庭 (Beijing, Art Commentator)
Zhang Ming 张 鸣 (Beijing, Professor)
Yu Jie 余 杰 (Beijing, Writer)
Yu Shicun余世存 (Beijing, Writer)
Qin Geng 秦 耕 (Hainan, Writer)
Zhou Duo 周 舵 (Beijing, Scholar)
Pu Zhiqiang 浦志强 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Zhao Dagong 赵达功 (Shenzhen, Writer)
Yao Lifa 姚立法 (Hubei, Election Expert)
Feng Zhenghu 冯正虎 (Shanghai, Scholar)
Zhou Qing 周 勍 (Beijing, Writer)
Yang Hengjun 杨恒均 (Guangzhou [Guangdong], Writer)
Teng Biao 滕 彪 (Beijing, Doctor of Law)
Jiang Danwen 蒋亶文 (Shanghai, Writer)
Woeser [Öser] 唯 色 (Tibet, Writer)
Ma Bo 马 波 (Beijing, Writer)
Cha Jianying 查建英 (Beijing, Writer)
Hu Fayun 胡发云 (Hubei, Writer)
Jiao Guobiao 焦国标 (Beijing, Scholar)
Li Gongming 李公明 (Guangdong, Professor)
Zhao Hui 赵 晖 (Beijing, Commentator)
Li Boguang 李柏光 (Beijing, Doctor of Law)
Fu Guoyong 傅国涌 (Zhejiang, Writer)
Ma Shaofang 马少方 (Guangdong, Businessman)
Zhang Hong 张 闳 (Shanghai, Professor)
Xia Yeliang 夏业良 (Beijing, Economist)
Ran Yunfei 冉云飞 (Sichuan, Scholar)
Liao Yiwu 廖亦武 (Sichuan, Writer)
Wang Yi 王 怡 (Sichuan, Scholar)
Wang Xiaoyu王晓渔 (Shanghai, Scholar)
Su Yuanzhen 苏元真 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Jiang Jianzhong 强剑衷 (Nanjing [Jiangsu], Senior Journalist)
Ouyang Xiaorong 欧阳小戎 (Yunnan, Poet)
Liu Di 刘 荻 (Beijing, Freelance Worker)
Zan Aizong 昝爱宗 (Zhejiang, Journalist)
Zhou Hongling 周鸿陵 (Beijing, Social Activist)
Feng Gang冯 刚 (Zhejiang Professor)
Chen Lin 陈 林 (Guangzhou [Guangdong], Scholar)
Yin Xian 尹 贤 (Gansu, Poet)
Zhou Ming 周 明 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Ling Cangzhou 凌沧洲 (Beijing, Journalist)
Tie Liu 铁 流 (Beijing, Writer)
Chen Fengxiao 陈奉孝 (Shandong, Former Rightist Student from Beijing University)
Yao Bo 姚 博 (Beijing, Commentator)
Zhang Jinjun 张津郡 (Guangdong, Manager)
Li Jianhong 李剑虹 (Shanghai, Writer)
Zhang Shanguang 张善光 (Hunan, Human Rights Defender)
Li Deming 李德铭 (Hunan, Journalist)
Liu Jianan 刘建安 (Hunan, Teacher)
Wang Xiaoshan 王小山 (Beijing, Media Worker)
Fan Yafeng 范亚峰 (Beijing, Doctor of Law)
Zhou Mingchu 周明初 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Liang Xiaoyan 梁晓燕 (Beijing, Environmental Volunteer)
Xu Xiao 徐 晓 (Beijing, Writer)
Chen Xi 陈 西 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Zhao Cheng 赵 诚 (Shanxi, Scholar)
Li Yuanlong 李元龙 (Guizhou, Freelance Writer)
Shen Youlian 申有连 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Jiang Suimin 蒋绥敏 (Beijing, Engineer)
Lu Zhongming 陆中明 (Shaanxi, Scholar)
Meng Huang 孟 煌 (Beijing, Artist)
Lin Fuwu 林福武 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Liao Shuangyuan 廖双元 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Lu Xuesong 卢雪松 (Jilin, Teacher)
Guo Yushan 郭玉闪 (Beijing, Scholar)
Chen Huanhui 陈焕辉 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Zhu Jiuhu朱久虎 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Jin Guanghong 金光鸿 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Gao Chaoqun 高超群 (Beijing, Editor)
Bo Feng 柏 风 (Jilin, Poet)
Zheng Xuguang 郑旭光 (Beijing, Scholar)
Zeng Jinyan 曾金燕 (Beijing, Rights Activist)
Wu Yuqin 吴玉琴 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Du Yilong 杜义龙 (Shaanxi, Writer)
Li Hai 李 海 (Beijing, Human Rights Defender)
Zhang Hui 张 辉 (Shanxi, Democracy Activist)
Jiang Shan 江 山 (Guangdong, Property Rights Activist)
Xu Guoqing 徐国庆 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Wu Yu 吴 郁 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Zhang Mingzhen 张明珍 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Zeng Ning 曾 宁 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Quan Linzhi 全林志 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Ye Hang 叶 航 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Ma Yunlong 马云龙 (Henan, Senior Journalist)
Zhu Jianguo 朱健国 (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Li Tie 李 铁 (Guangdong, Social Activist)
Mo Jiangang 莫建刚 (Guizhou, Freelance Writer)
Zhang Yaojie 张耀杰 (Beijing, Scholar)
Wu Baojian 吴报建 (Zhejiang, Lawyer)
Yang Guang 杨 光 (Guangxi, Scholar)
Yu Meisun 俞梅荪 (Beijing, Legal Professional)
Xing Jian 行 健 (Beijing, Legal Professional)
Wang Guangze 王光泽 (Beijing, Social Activist)
Chen Shaohua 陈绍华 (Guangdong, Designer)
Liu Yiming 刘逸明 (Hubei, Freelance Writer)
Wu Zuolai 吴祚来 (Beijing, Researcher)
Gao Zhen 高 兟 (Shandong, Artist)
Gao Qiang 高 强 (Shandong, Artist)
Tang Jingling 唐荆陵 (Guangdong, Lawyer)
Li Xiaolong 黎小龙 (Guangxi, Rights Activist)
Jing Chu 荆 楚 (Guangxi, Freelance Writer)
Li Biao 李 彪 (Anhui, Businessman)
Guo Yan 郭 艳 (Guangdong, Lawyer)
Yang Shiyuan杨世元 (Zhejiang, Retiree)
Yang Kuanxing 杨宽兴 (Shandong, Writer)
Li Jinfang 李金芳 (Hebei, Democracy Activist)
Wang Yuwen 王玉文 (Guizhou, Poet)
Yang Zhongyi杨中义 (Anhui, Worker)
Wu Xinyuan 武辛源 (Hebei, Peasant)
Du Heping 杜和平 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Feng Ling 冯 玲 (Hubei, Volunteer for Constitutional Politics)
Zhang Xianzhong 张先忠 (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Cai Jingzhong 蔡敬忠 (Guangdong, Peasant)
Wang Dianbin 王典斌 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Cai Jincai 蔡金才 (Guangdong, Peasant)
Gao Aiguo 高爱国 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Chen Zhanyao 陈湛尧 (Guangdong, Peasant)
He Wenkai 何文凯 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Wu Dangying 吴党英 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Zeng Qingbin 曾庆彬 (Guangdong, Worker)
Mao Haixiu 毛海秀 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Zhuang Daohe 庄道鹤 (Hangzhou, Lawyer)
Li Xiongbing 黎雄兵 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Li Renke 李任科 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Zuo Li 左 力 (Hebei, Lawyer)
Dong Dezhu 董德筑 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Tao Yuping 陶玉平 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Wang Junxiu王俊秀 (Beijing, IT Professional)
Huang Xiaomin 黄晓敏 (Sichuan, Rights Activist)
Zheng Enchong 郑恩宠 (Shanghai, Legal Adviser)
Zhang Junling 张君令 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Yang Hai 杨 海 (Shaanxi, Scholar)
Ai Fulai 艾福荣 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Yang Huaren 杨华仁 (Hubei, Legal Professional)
Wei Qin 魏 勤 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Su Zuxiang 苏祖祥 (Hubei, Teacher)
Shen Yulian 沈玉莲 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Guan Hongshan 关洪山 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Song Xianke 宋先科 (Guangdong, Businessman)
Wang Guoqiang 汪国强 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Enjuan 陈恩娟 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Li Yong 李 勇 (Beijing, Media Worker)
Chang Xiongfa 常雄发 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Wang Jinglong 王京龙 (Beijing, Management Scholar)
Xu Zhengqing 许正清 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Gao Junsheng 高军生 (Shaanxi, Editor)
Zheng Beibei 郑蓓蓓 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Wang Dinghua 王定华 (Hubei, Lawyer)
Tan Lanying 谈兰英 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Fan Yanqiong 范燕琼 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Lin Hui 林 辉 (Zhejiang, Poet)
Wu Huaying 吴华英 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Xue Zhenbiao 薛振标 (Zhejiang, Democracy Activist)
Dong Guojing 董国菁 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Yufeng 陈玉峰 (Hubei, Legal Professional)
Duan Ruofei 段若飞 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Wang Zhongling 王中陵 (Shaanxi, Teacher)
Dong Chunhua 董春华 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Xiuqin 陈修琴 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Liu Zhengyou 刘正有 (Sichuan, Human Rights Defender)
Ma Xiao 马 萧 (Beijing, Writer)
Wan Yanhai 万延海 (Beijing, Public Health Expert)
Shen Peilan 沈佩兰 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Ye Xiaogang 叶孝刚 (Zhejiang, Retired University Faculty Member)
Zhang Jingsong张劲松 (Anhui, Worker)
Zhang Jinfa 章锦发 (Zhejiang, Retiree)
Wang Liqing 王丽卿 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Zhao Changqing 赵常青 (Shaanxi, Writer)
Jin Yuehua 金月花 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Yu Zhangfa 余樟法 (Guangxi, Writer)
Chen Qiyong 陈启勇 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Liu Xianbin 刘贤斌 (Sichuan, Democracy Activist)
Ouyang Yi欧阳懿 (Sichuan, Human Rights Defender)
Deng Huanwu 邓焕武 (Chongqing, Businessman)
He Weihua 贺伟华 (Hunan, Democracy Activist)
Li Dongzhuo 李东卓 (Hunan, IT Professional)
Tian Yongde 田永德 (Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, Human Rights Defender)
Zhi Xiaomin 智效民 (Shanxi, Scholar)
Li Changyu李昌玉 (Shandong, Teacher)
Guo Weidong 郭卫东 (Zhejiang, Office Worker)
Chen Wei 陈 卫 (Sichuan, Democracy Activist)
Wang Jinan王金安 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Cai Wenjun蔡文君 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Hou Shuming 侯述明 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Liu Hannan 刘汉南 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Shi Ruoping 史若平 (Shandong, Professor)
Zhang Renxiang 张忍祥 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Ye Du野 渡 (Guangdong, Editor)
Xia Gang 夏 刚 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Zhao Guoliang 赵国良 (Hunan, Democracy Activist)
Li Zhiying 李智英 (Beijing, Scholar)
Zhang Zhongfa 张重发 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Chen Yongmiao 陈永苗 (Beijing, Scholar)
Jiang Ying 江 婴 (Tianjin, Poet)
Tian Zuxiang 田祖湘 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Huang Zhijia 黄志佳 (Hubei, Civil Servant)
Guan Yebo 关业波 (Hubei, Civil Servant)
Wang Wangming王望明 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Gao Xinrui 高新瑞 (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Song Shuiquan 宋水泉 (Hubei, Legal Professional)
Zhao Jingzhou 赵景洲 (Helongjiang, Human Rights Defender)
Wen Kejian 温克坚 (Zhejiang, Scholar)
Wei Wenying 魏文英 (Yunnan, Teacher)
Chen Huijuan 陈惠娟 (Helongjiang, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Yanxiong 陈炎雄 (Hubei, Teacher)
Duan Chunfang 段春芳 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Liu Zhengshan 刘正善 (Yunnan, Engineer)
Guan Min 关 敏 (Hubei, University Teacher)
Dai Yuanlong 戴元龙 (Fujian, Business Owner)
Yu Yiwei 余以为 (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Han Zurong 韩祖荣 (Fujian, Business Owner)
Wang Dingliang 汪定亮 (Hubei, Lawyer)
Chen Qinglin 陈青林 (Beijing, Human Rights Defender)
Qian Shishun 钱世顺 (Guangdong, Business Owner)
Zeng Boyan 曾伯炎 (Sichuan, Writer)
Ma Yalian 马亚莲 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Che Hongnian 车宏年 (Shandong, Freelance Writer)
Qin Zhigang 秦志刚 (Shandong, Electronic Engineer)
Song Xiangfeng 宋翔峰 (Hubei, Teacher)
Deng Fuhua 邓复华 (Hubei, Writer)
Xu Kang 徐 康 (Hubei, Civil Servant)
Li Jianqiang 李建强 (Shandong, Lawyer)
Li Renbing 李仁兵 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Qiu Meili 裘美丽 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Lan Zhixue 兰志学 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Zhou Jinchang 周锦昌 (Zhejiang, Retiree)
Huang Yanming 黄燕明 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Liu Wei 刘 巍 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Yan Liehan 鄢烈汉 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Chen Defu 陈德富 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Guo Yongxin 郭用新 (Hubei, Doctor)
Guo Yongfeng 郭永丰 (Guangdong, Founder of the Association of Chinese Citizens for Monitoring the Government [中国公民监政会])
Yuan Xinting 袁新亭 (Guangzhou [Guangdong], Editor)
Qi Huimin 戚惠民 (Zhejiang, Democracy Activist)
Li Yu 李 宇 (Sichuan, Journalist)
Xie Fulin 谢福林 (Hunan, Human Rights Defender)
Xu Guang 徐 光 (Zhejiang, Business Owner)
Ye Huo 野 火 (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Zou Wei 邹 巍 (Zhejiang, Rights Activist)
Xiao Libin 萧利彬 (Zhejiang, Engineer)
Gao Haibing 高海兵 (Zhejiang, Democracy Activist)
Tian Qizhuang 田奇庄 (Hebei, Writer)
Deng Taiqing 邓太清 (Shanxi, Democracy Activist)
Pei Hongxin 裴鸿信 (Hebei, Teacher)
Xu Min 徐 民 (Jilin, Legal Professional)
Li Xige李喜阁 (Henan, Rights Activist)
Wang Debang 王德邦 (Beijing, Writer)
Feng Qiusheng 冯秋盛 (Guangdong, Peasant)
Hou Wenbao 侯文豹 (Anhui, Rights Activist)
Tang Jitian 唐吉田 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Liu Rongchao 刘荣超 (Anhui, Peasant)
Li Tianxiang 李天翔 (Henan, Worker)
Cui Yuzhen 崔玉振 (Hebei, Lawyer)
Xu Maolian 许茂连 (Anhui, Peasant)
Zhai Linhua 翟林华 (Anhui, Teacher)
Tao Xiaoxia 陶晓霞 (Anhui, Peasant)
Zhang Wang 张 望 (Fujian, Worker)
Huang Dachuan 黄大川 (Liaoning, Office Worker)
Chen Xiaoyuan 陈啸原 (Hainan, Office Worker)
Zhang Jiankang 张鉴康 (Shaanxi, Legal Professional)
Zhang Xingshui 张星水 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Ma Gangquan 马纲权 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Wang Jinxiang 王金祥 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Wang Jiaying 王家英 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Yan Laiyun 鄢来云 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Li Xiaoming 李小明 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Xiao Shuixiang 肖水祥 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Yan Yuxiang 鄢裕祥 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Liu Yi 刘 毅 (Beijing, Artist)
Zhang Zhengxiang 张正祥 (Yunnan, Environmental Activist)
A group of 303 Chinese writers, intellectuals, lawyers, journalists, retired Party officials, workers, peasants, and businessmen have issued an open letter -- the "08 Charter" -- calling for legal reforms, democracy and protection of human rights in China. An English translation of the Charter by Human Rights in China is below.
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"08 Charter"
Preamble
This year is the 100th year of China's Constitution, the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the birth of the Democracy Wall, and the 10th year since China signed the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights. After experiencing a prolonged period of human rights disasters and a tortuous struggle and resistance, the awakening Chinese citizens are increasingly and more clearly recognizing that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal common values shared by all humankind, and that democracy, a republic, and constitutionalism constitute the basic structural framework of modern governance. A "modernization" bereft of these universal values and this basic political framework is a disastrous process that deprives humans of their rights, corrodes human nature, and destroys human dignity. Where will China head in the 21st century? Continue a "modernization" under this kind of authoritarian rule? Or recognize universal values, assimilate into the mainstream civilization, and build a democratic political system? This is a major decision that cannot be avoided.
The monumental historic transformation in the mid-19th century exposed the decay of the traditional Chinese despotic system and ushered in the most "unprecedented and cataclysmic change in several thousands of years" in all of China. The Self-strengthening Movement (c 1861-1894) sought the improvement of China's technical capacity. The defeat in the first Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) once more exposed the anachronism of the political system. The Hundred Day Reform touched upon institutional innovations, but was a failure in the end because of the cruel suppression of the die-hard clique. On the surface, the Xinhai Revolution (1911) buried the imperial system that had lasted for more than 2,000 years and established Asia's first republic. But, limited by the historical factors determined by internal trouble and external aggression, the republican political system lasted only for an instant, and despotism quickly returned.
The failure of imitating mechanical innovation and institutional renewal prompted deep reflection among the people of the nation on the roots of this cultural sickness, which resulted in the "May 4" new culture movement under the banner of "science and democracy." Because of frequent civil wars and invasions by external enemies, the course of China's political democratization was forced to stop. The course of a constitutional government was initiated again after the victory in the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945), but the result of the civil war between the Kuomintang (the Nationalist Party) and the Communist Party caused China to sink into the abyss of the totalitarianism of the modern era. The "New China" established in 1949 is a "people's republic" in name only. In fact, it is under the "Party's dominion." The ruling power monopolizes all the political, economic and social resources. It created a string of human rights catastrophes such as the Anti-Rightist Campaign, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, June 4, and attacks on non-governmental religious activities and on the rights defense movement, causing tens of millions of deaths, and exacted a disastrous price on the people and the country.
The "reform and opening up" of the late 20th century extricated China from the pervasive poverty and absolute power in the Mao Zedong era, and substantially increased private wealth and the standard of living of the masses. Individual economic freedom and social privileges were partially restored, a civil society began to grow, and the calls for human rights and political freedom among the people increased by the day. Those in power, as they were implementing economic reforms aimed at marketization and privatization, also began to move from a position of rejecting human rights to one of gradually recognizing them. In 1997 and 1998, the Chinese government signed two important international human rights treaties. In 2004, the National People's Congress amended the Constitution to include language to "respect and safeguard human rights." And this year, [the government] has promised to formulate and implement a "National Human Rights Action Plan." However, this political progress stops at the paper stage. There are laws but there is no rule of law. There is a constitution but no constitutional governance. And there is still the political reality that is obvious for all to see. The power bloc continues to insist on maintaining the authoritarian regime, rejecting political reform. This has caused corruption in officialdom, difficulty in establishing rule of law, and no protection of human rights, the loss of ethics, the polarization of society, warped economic development, damages in the natural and human environments, no systematic protection of the rights to property and the pursuit of happiness, the accumulation of countless social conflicts, and the continuous rise of resentment. In particular, the intensification of hostility between government officials and the ordinary people, and the dramatic rise of mass incidents, illustrate a catastrophic loss of control in the making, and the anachronism of the current system has reached a point where change must occur.
II. Our Fundamental Concepts
At this historical juncture of the future destiny of China, it is necessary to rethink the last 100 years of modernization and reaffirm the following concepts:
Freedom: Freedom is at the core of universal values. The rights of speech, publication, belief, assembly, association, movement, and to demonstrate are all the concrete realizations of freedom. If freedom is not flourishing, then there is no modern civilization of which to speak.
Human Rights: Human rights are not bestowed by the state, but are rights that each person is born with and enjoys. To ensure/guarantee human rights must be the foundation of the first objective of government and lawful public authority, and is also the inherent demand of "putting people first." The past political calamities of China are all closely related to the disregard of human rights by the ruling authorities.
Equality: Each individual, regardless of social status, occupation, gender, economic situation, ethnic group, skin color, religion, or political belief, is equal in human dignity and freedom. The principle of equality before the law and a citizen's society must be implemented; the principle of equality of economic, cultural, and political rights must be implemented.
Republicanism: Republicanism is "governing together; living peacefully together," □ that is, the decentralization of power and balancing of interests, that is comprised of diverse interests, different social groups, pluralistic culture and groups seeking religious belief, on the foundation of equal participation, peaceful competition, public discussion, and peaceful handling of public affairs.
Democracy: The most basic meaning is that sovereignty resides in the people and the people elect government. Democracy has the following basic characteristics: (1) the legitimacy of government comes from the people, the source of government power is the people; (2) government must be chosen by the people; (3) citizens enjoy the right to vote, important civil servants and officials of all levels should be produced through elections at fixed times; (4) the decisions of the majority must be respected while protecting the basic rights of the minority. In a word, democracy will become the modern tool for making government one "from the people, by the people, and for the people."
Constitutionalism: Constitutionalism is the principle of protecting basic constitutionally-guaranteed freedoms and rights of citizens through law and a rule of law, delimiting the boundaries of government power and actions, and providing corresponding systemic capacity.
In China, the era of imperial power has long passed and will not return; in the world, authoritarian systems are approaching the dusk of their endings. The only fundamental way out for China: citizens should become the true masters of the nation, throw off the consciousness of reliance on a wise ruler or honest and upright official, make widely public civic consciousness of the centrality of rights and the responsibility of participation, and practice freedom, democracy, and respect for law.
III. Our basic standpoint
In line with a responsible and constructive citizens' spirit towards the country's political system, civil rights and various aspects of social development, we put forward the following specific standpoints:
Amend the Constitution: Based on the aforementioned values and concepts, amend the Constitution, abolishing the provisions in the current Constitution that are not in conformity with the principle that sovereignty resides in the people so that the Constitution can truly become a document for guaranteeing human rights and [appropriate use of] public power. The Constitution should be the implementable supreme law that any individual, group or party shall not violate, and lay the legal foundation for the democratization of China.
Separation and balance of power: A modern government that separates, checks and keeps balance among powers guarantees the separation of legislative, judicial, and administrative power. The principle of governing by laws and being a responsible Government shall be established. Over-expansion of executive power shall be prevented; the Government shall be responsible to the taxpayers; the separation, checking and keeping balance of powers between the central and local governments shall be set up; the central power authority shall be clearly defined and mandated by the Constitution, and the local governments shall be fully autonomous.
Democratize the lawmaking process: All levels of the legislative bodies shall be directly elected. Maintain the principles of fairness and justice in making law, and democratize the lawmaking process.
Independence of the judiciary: The judiciary shall be nonpartisan, free from any interference. Ensure judicial independence, and guarantee judicial fairness. Establish a Constitutional Court and a system of judicial review; maintain the authority of the Constitution. Abolish as soon as possible the Party's Committees of Political and Legislative affairs at all levels that seriously endanger the country's rule of law. Avoid using public tools for private objectives.
Public institutions should be used for the public: Realize the nationalization of the armed forces. The military shall be loyal to the Constitution and to the country. The political party organizations in the armed forces should be withdrawn. The level of military professionalism should be raised. All civil servants including the police shall remain politically neutral. Discrimination in employment of civil servants based on party preference should be eliminated and equal employment without any party preference should be adopted.
Protect human rights: Protection of human rights should be effectively implemented and human dignity should be safeguarded. A Commission on Human Rights shall be established that is responsible to the highest level of authority representing public opinion. [This Commission] will prevent government abuse of public power and violation of human rights, and especially protect the personal freedom of citizens. All persons should be be free from unlawful arrest, detention, summons, interrogation, and punishment. The system of Reeducation-Through-Labor should be abolished.
Election of public officials: The democratic electoral system should be fully implemented, with the realization of the equal voting right of one person one vote. Direct election of all levels of administrative heads should be institutionalized step by step. Free competition in the elections on a regular basis and citizen participation in the election of public officials are inalienable basic human rights.
Urban and rural equality: The current urban-rural household registration system should be repealed. The equal rights for all citizens guaranteed by the Constitution should be implemented. The freedom of movement for citizens should be protected.
Freedom of association: Citizens' right to freedom of association shall be safeguarded. The current system for registration and examination before approval for civil society organizations should be changed to a registration and recording system. The ban on freely organizing political parties should be lifted. All activities of parties should be regulated by the Constitution and law. One-party monopolization of ruling privileges should be abolished. The principle of freedom of activities of political parties and fair competition should be established. The normalization of party politics and a rule by law should be realized.
Freedom of assembly: Peaceful assembly, protest, demonstration and freedom of expression are fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution. They should not be subject to unlawful interference and unconstitutional restrictions by the ruling party and the government.
Freedom of expression: The freedom of speech, freedom of the press and academic freedom should be implemented. Citizens' right to know and to monitor supervise should be protected. A press and publication law should be promulgated. The ban on freely publishing newspapers should be lifted. The current provision of "inciting subversion of state power" in the Criminal Law should be repealed and criminal punishment for speech should be eliminated.
Freedom of religion: Freedom of religion and freedom of belief should be protected. Religion and politics should be separated. Religious activities should be free from government interference. All administrative regulations, administrative rules and local regulations and rules that restrict or deprive citizens' freedom of religion should be reviewed and repealed. Management of religious activities by administrative legislature should be prohibited. The current prior approval system in which religious groups (including places of worship) must be registered before obtaining legal status should be abolished, and instead, a new record-keeping system for religious groups and their worship places should replace the current one.
Citizen Education: Abolish political education and examinations that are deeply ideological and serve one-party rule. Promote citizen education that encompasses universal values and civil rights, establishes civil consciousness, and promotes the civil virtue of serving society.
Property Protection: Establish and protect private property rights, implement a free and open market economy, protect the freedom of entrepreneurship, and eliminate administrative monopoly; set up a state-owned property management committee that is responsible to the highest legislative agency, initiate property rights reforms legally and orderly, make clear the property rights of owners and obligors, initiate a new land movement, advance land privatization, and strictly protect citizens', in particular, farmers', land rights.
Fiscal Reforms: Firmly establish democracy in finance and protect taxpayers' rights. Build a public finance system and operational mechanisms in which powers and obligations are clear, and create a reasonable and effective division of power in finance among all levels of government; implement major reforms in the tax system to reduce the tax rate, simplify the tax system, and achieve tax equity. The administrative departments should not be allowed to increase tax or create new tax arbitrarily without a social public choice and resolutions of the legislative agencies. Pass reforms on property rights, introduce diverse market subjects and competition mechanisms, lower the market-entry threshold in banking, and create conditions for the development of privately-owned banking to energize the financial system.
Social Security: Build a social security system that covers all of the citizens, and provide them with fundamental protections for education, medical care, elderly care and employment.
Environmental Protection: Protect the ecological environment, promote sustainable development, and take up responsibility to future generations and humanity; enforce the respective responsibilities of the state and government officials of all levels; perform the function of participation and supervision by civil organizations on environmental protection.
Federal Republic: Participate in and maintain regional peace and development with an equal and fair attitude, and create an image of a responsible great country. Protect the free systems of Hong Kong and Macao. Under the precondition of freedom and democracy, seek a settlement resolution on cross-strait relations by way of equal negotiation and cooperative interaction. Explore possible ways and an institutional design to promote the mutual prospects of all ethnicities with great wisdom, and to establish China's federal republic under the structure of democracy and constitutionalism.
Transitional Justice: Rehabilitate the reputation of and give state compensation to the victims who suffered political persecution during past political movements as well as their families; release all political prisoners, prisoners of conscience, and people who are convicted because of their beliefs; establish a truth commission to restore historical truth, to pursue accountability and to fulfill justice; seek a settlement of the society on this foundation.
IV. Conclusion
China, as a great nation of the world, one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and a member of the Human Rights Council, should contribute to peace for humankind and progress in human rights. But to people's regret, among the great nations of the world, China, alone, still clings to an authoritarian political way of life. As a result, it has caused an unbroken chain of human rights disasters and social crises, held back the development of the Chinese people, and hindered the progress of human civilization. This situation must change! The reform of political democratization can no longer be delayed.
Because of this, we, with a civic spirit that dares to act, publish the "08 Charter." We hope that all Chinese citizens who share this sense of crisis, responsibility and mission, without distinction between the government or the public, regardless of status, will hold back our differences to seek common ground, actively participate in this citizens' movement, and jointly promote the great transformation of the Chinese society, so that we can establish a free, democratic and constitutional nation in the near future and fulfill the dreams that our people have pursued tirelessly for more than a hundred years.
Signed
Yu Haocheng于浩成 (Beijing, Legal Scholar)
Zhang Sizhi 张思之 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Mao Yushi茅于轼 (Beijing, Economist)
Du Guang杜 光 (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Li Pu李 普 (Beijing, Senior Journalist)
Sha Yexin 沙叶新 (Shanghai, Playwright)
Liu Shahe流沙河 (Sichuan, Poet)
Wu Maohua 吴茂华 (Sichuan, Writer)
Zhang Xianyang 张显扬 (Beijing, Ideologist)
Sun Wenguang 孙文广 (Shandong, Professor)
Bao Tong 鲍 彤 (Beijing, Citizen)
Ding Ziling 丁子霖 (Beijing, Professor)
Zhang Xianling 张先玲 (Beijing, Engineer)
Xu Jue 徐 珏 (Beijing, Researcher)
Jiang Peikun 蒋培坤 (Beijing, Professor)
Liu Xiaobo 刘晓波 (Beijing, Writer)
Zhang Zuhua 张祖桦 (Beijing, Constitutional Scholar)
Gao Yu 高 瑜 (Beijing, Journalist)
Dai Qing戴 晴 (Beijing, Writer)
Jiang Qisheng 江棋生 (Beijing, Scholar)
Ai Xiaoming 艾晓明 (Guangdong, Professor)
Liu Junning 刘军宁 (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Zhang Xukun 张旭昆 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Xu Youyu 徐友渔 (Beijing, Philosopher)
He Weifang 贺卫方 (Beijing, Legal Scholar)
Mo Shaoping 莫少平 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Chen Ziming 陈子明 (Beijing, Scholar)
Zhang Boshu 张博树 (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Cui Weiping 崔卫平 (Beijing, Scholar)
He Guanghu 何光沪 (Theologian)
Hao Jian 郝 建 (Beijing, Scholar)
Shen Minhua 沈敏骅 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Li Datong 李大同 (Beijing, Journalist)
Li Xianting 栗宪庭 (Beijing, Art Commentator)
Zhang Ming 张 鸣 (Beijing, Professor)
Yu Jie 余 杰 (Beijing, Writer)
Yu Shicun余世存 (Beijing, Writer)
Qin Geng 秦 耕 (Hainan, Writer)
Zhou Duo 周 舵 (Beijing, Scholar)
Pu Zhiqiang 浦志强 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Zhao Dagong 赵达功 (Shenzhen, Writer)
Yao Lifa 姚立法 (Hubei, Election Expert)
Feng Zhenghu 冯正虎 (Shanghai, Scholar)
Zhou Qing 周 勍 (Beijing, Writer)
Yang Hengjun 杨恒均 (Guangzhou [Guangdong], Writer)
Teng Biao 滕 彪 (Beijing, Doctor of Law)
Jiang Danwen 蒋亶文 (Shanghai, Writer)
Woeser [Öser] 唯 色 (Tibet, Writer)
Ma Bo 马 波 (Beijing, Writer)
Cha Jianying 查建英 (Beijing, Writer)
Hu Fayun 胡发云 (Hubei, Writer)
Jiao Guobiao 焦国标 (Beijing, Scholar)
Li Gongming 李公明 (Guangdong, Professor)
Zhao Hui 赵 晖 (Beijing, Commentator)
Li Boguang 李柏光 (Beijing, Doctor of Law)
Fu Guoyong 傅国涌 (Zhejiang, Writer)
Ma Shaofang 马少方 (Guangdong, Businessman)
Zhang Hong 张 闳 (Shanghai, Professor)
Xia Yeliang 夏业良 (Beijing, Economist)
Ran Yunfei 冉云飞 (Sichuan, Scholar)
Liao Yiwu 廖亦武 (Sichuan, Writer)
Wang Yi 王 怡 (Sichuan, Scholar)
Wang Xiaoyu王晓渔 (Shanghai, Scholar)
Su Yuanzhen 苏元真 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Jiang Jianzhong 强剑衷 (Nanjing [Jiangsu], Senior Journalist)
Ouyang Xiaorong 欧阳小戎 (Yunnan, Poet)
Liu Di 刘 荻 (Beijing, Freelance Worker)
Zan Aizong 昝爱宗 (Zhejiang, Journalist)
Zhou Hongling 周鸿陵 (Beijing, Social Activist)
Feng Gang冯 刚 (Zhejiang Professor)
Chen Lin 陈 林 (Guangzhou [Guangdong], Scholar)
Yin Xian 尹 贤 (Gansu, Poet)
Zhou Ming 周 明 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Ling Cangzhou 凌沧洲 (Beijing, Journalist)
Tie Liu 铁 流 (Beijing, Writer)
Chen Fengxiao 陈奉孝 (Shandong, Former Rightist Student from Beijing University)
Yao Bo 姚 博 (Beijing, Commentator)
Zhang Jinjun 张津郡 (Guangdong, Manager)
Li Jianhong 李剑虹 (Shanghai, Writer)
Zhang Shanguang 张善光 (Hunan, Human Rights Defender)
Li Deming 李德铭 (Hunan, Journalist)
Liu Jianan 刘建安 (Hunan, Teacher)
Wang Xiaoshan 王小山 (Beijing, Media Worker)
Fan Yafeng 范亚峰 (Beijing, Doctor of Law)
Zhou Mingchu 周明初 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Liang Xiaoyan 梁晓燕 (Beijing, Environmental Volunteer)
Xu Xiao 徐 晓 (Beijing, Writer)
Chen Xi 陈 西 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Zhao Cheng 赵 诚 (Shanxi, Scholar)
Li Yuanlong 李元龙 (Guizhou, Freelance Writer)
Shen Youlian 申有连 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Jiang Suimin 蒋绥敏 (Beijing, Engineer)
Lu Zhongming 陆中明 (Shaanxi, Scholar)
Meng Huang 孟 煌 (Beijing, Artist)
Lin Fuwu 林福武 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Liao Shuangyuan 廖双元 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Lu Xuesong 卢雪松 (Jilin, Teacher)
Guo Yushan 郭玉闪 (Beijing, Scholar)
Chen Huanhui 陈焕辉 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Zhu Jiuhu朱久虎 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Jin Guanghong 金光鸿 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Gao Chaoqun 高超群 (Beijing, Editor)
Bo Feng 柏 风 (Jilin, Poet)
Zheng Xuguang 郑旭光 (Beijing, Scholar)
Zeng Jinyan 曾金燕 (Beijing, Rights Activist)
Wu Yuqin 吴玉琴 (Guizhou, Human Rights Defender)
Du Yilong 杜义龙 (Shaanxi, Writer)
Li Hai 李 海 (Beijing, Human Rights Defender)
Zhang Hui 张 辉 (Shanxi, Democracy Activist)
Jiang Shan 江 山 (Guangdong, Property Rights Activist)
Xu Guoqing 徐国庆 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Wu Yu 吴 郁 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Zhang Mingzhen 张明珍 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Zeng Ning 曾 宁 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Quan Linzhi 全林志 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Ye Hang 叶 航 (Zhejiang, Professor)
Ma Yunlong 马云龙 (Henan, Senior Journalist)
Zhu Jianguo 朱健国 (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Li Tie 李 铁 (Guangdong, Social Activist)
Mo Jiangang 莫建刚 (Guizhou, Freelance Writer)
Zhang Yaojie 张耀杰 (Beijing, Scholar)
Wu Baojian 吴报建 (Zhejiang, Lawyer)
Yang Guang 杨 光 (Guangxi, Scholar)
Yu Meisun 俞梅荪 (Beijing, Legal Professional)
Xing Jian 行 健 (Beijing, Legal Professional)
Wang Guangze 王光泽 (Beijing, Social Activist)
Chen Shaohua 陈绍华 (Guangdong, Designer)
Liu Yiming 刘逸明 (Hubei, Freelance Writer)
Wu Zuolai 吴祚来 (Beijing, Researcher)
Gao Zhen 高 兟 (Shandong, Artist)
Gao Qiang 高 强 (Shandong, Artist)
Tang Jingling 唐荆陵 (Guangdong, Lawyer)
Li Xiaolong 黎小龙 (Guangxi, Rights Activist)
Jing Chu 荆 楚 (Guangxi, Freelance Writer)
Li Biao 李 彪 (Anhui, Businessman)
Guo Yan 郭 艳 (Guangdong, Lawyer)
Yang Shiyuan杨世元 (Zhejiang, Retiree)
Yang Kuanxing 杨宽兴 (Shandong, Writer)
Li Jinfang 李金芳 (Hebei, Democracy Activist)
Wang Yuwen 王玉文 (Guizhou, Poet)
Yang Zhongyi杨中义 (Anhui, Worker)
Wu Xinyuan 武辛源 (Hebei, Peasant)
Du Heping 杜和平 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Feng Ling 冯 玲 (Hubei, Volunteer for Constitutional Politics)
Zhang Xianzhong 张先忠 (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Cai Jingzhong 蔡敬忠 (Guangdong, Peasant)
Wang Dianbin 王典斌 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Cai Jincai 蔡金才 (Guangdong, Peasant)
Gao Aiguo 高爱国 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Chen Zhanyao 陈湛尧 (Guangdong, Peasant)
He Wenkai 何文凯 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Wu Dangying 吴党英 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Zeng Qingbin 曾庆彬 (Guangdong, Worker)
Mao Haixiu 毛海秀 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Zhuang Daohe 庄道鹤 (Hangzhou, Lawyer)
Li Xiongbing 黎雄兵 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Li Renke 李任科 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Zuo Li 左 力 (Hebei, Lawyer)
Dong Dezhu 董德筑 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Tao Yuping 陶玉平 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Wang Junxiu王俊秀 (Beijing, IT Professional)
Huang Xiaomin 黄晓敏 (Sichuan, Rights Activist)
Zheng Enchong 郑恩宠 (Shanghai, Legal Adviser)
Zhang Junling 张君令 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Yang Hai 杨 海 (Shaanxi, Scholar)
Ai Fulai 艾福荣 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Yang Huaren 杨华仁 (Hubei, Legal Professional)
Wei Qin 魏 勤 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Su Zuxiang 苏祖祥 (Hubei, Teacher)
Shen Yulian 沈玉莲 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Guan Hongshan 关洪山 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Song Xianke 宋先科 (Guangdong, Businessman)
Wang Guoqiang 汪国强 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Enjuan 陈恩娟 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Li Yong 李 勇 (Beijing, Media Worker)
Chang Xiongfa 常雄发 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Wang Jinglong 王京龙 (Beijing, Management Scholar)
Xu Zhengqing 许正清 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Gao Junsheng 高军生 (Shaanxi, Editor)
Zheng Beibei 郑蓓蓓 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Wang Dinghua 王定华 (Hubei, Lawyer)
Tan Lanying 谈兰英 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Fan Yanqiong 范燕琼 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Lin Hui 林 辉 (Zhejiang, Poet)
Wu Huaying 吴华英 (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Xue Zhenbiao 薛振标 (Zhejiang, Democracy Activist)
Dong Guojing 董国菁 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Yufeng 陈玉峰 (Hubei, Legal Professional)
Duan Ruofei 段若飞 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Wang Zhongling 王中陵 (Shaanxi, Teacher)
Dong Chunhua 董春华 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Xiuqin 陈修琴 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Liu Zhengyou 刘正有 (Sichuan, Human Rights Defender)
Ma Xiao 马 萧 (Beijing, Writer)
Wan Yanhai 万延海 (Beijing, Public Health Expert)
Shen Peilan 沈佩兰 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Ye Xiaogang 叶孝刚 (Zhejiang, Retired University Faculty Member)
Zhang Jingsong张劲松 (Anhui, Worker)
Zhang Jinfa 章锦发 (Zhejiang, Retiree)
Wang Liqing 王丽卿 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Zhao Changqing 赵常青 (Shaanxi, Writer)
Jin Yuehua 金月花 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Yu Zhangfa 余樟法 (Guangxi, Writer)
Chen Qiyong 陈启勇 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Liu Xianbin 刘贤斌 (Sichuan, Democracy Activist)
Ouyang Yi欧阳懿 (Sichuan, Human Rights Defender)
Deng Huanwu 邓焕武 (Chongqing, Businessman)
He Weihua 贺伟华 (Hunan, Democracy Activist)
Li Dongzhuo 李东卓 (Hunan, IT Professional)
Tian Yongde 田永德 (Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, Human Rights Defender)
Zhi Xiaomin 智效民 (Shanxi, Scholar)
Li Changyu李昌玉 (Shandong, Teacher)
Guo Weidong 郭卫东 (Zhejiang, Office Worker)
Chen Wei 陈 卫 (Sichuan, Democracy Activist)
Wang Jinan王金安 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Cai Wenjun蔡文君 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Hou Shuming 侯述明 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Liu Hannan 刘汉南 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Shi Ruoping 史若平 (Shandong, Professor)
Zhang Renxiang 张忍祥 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Ye Du野 渡 (Guangdong, Editor)
Xia Gang 夏 刚 (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Zhao Guoliang 赵国良 (Hunan, Democracy Activist)
Li Zhiying 李智英 (Beijing, Scholar)
Zhang Zhongfa 张重发 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Chen Yongmiao 陈永苗 (Beijing, Scholar)
Jiang Ying 江 婴 (Tianjin, Poet)
Tian Zuxiang 田祖湘 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Huang Zhijia 黄志佳 (Hubei, Civil Servant)
Guan Yebo 关业波 (Hubei, Civil Servant)
Wang Wangming王望明 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Gao Xinrui 高新瑞 (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Song Shuiquan 宋水泉 (Hubei, Legal Professional)
Zhao Jingzhou 赵景洲 (Helongjiang, Human Rights Defender)
Wen Kejian 温克坚 (Zhejiang, Scholar)
Wei Wenying 魏文英 (Yunnan, Teacher)
Chen Huijuan 陈惠娟 (Helongjiang, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Yanxiong 陈炎雄 (Hubei, Teacher)
Duan Chunfang 段春芳 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Liu Zhengshan 刘正善 (Yunnan, Engineer)
Guan Min 关 敏 (Hubei, University Teacher)
Dai Yuanlong 戴元龙 (Fujian, Business Owner)
Yu Yiwei 余以为 (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Han Zurong 韩祖荣 (Fujian, Business Owner)
Wang Dingliang 汪定亮 (Hubei, Lawyer)
Chen Qinglin 陈青林 (Beijing, Human Rights Defender)
Qian Shishun 钱世顺 (Guangdong, Business Owner)
Zeng Boyan 曾伯炎 (Sichuan, Writer)
Ma Yalian 马亚莲 (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Che Hongnian 车宏年 (Shandong, Freelance Writer)
Qin Zhigang 秦志刚 (Shandong, Electronic Engineer)
Song Xiangfeng 宋翔峰 (Hubei, Teacher)
Deng Fuhua 邓复华 (Hubei, Writer)
Xu Kang 徐 康 (Hubei, Civil Servant)
Li Jianqiang 李建强 (Shandong, Lawyer)
Li Renbing 李仁兵 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Qiu Meili 裘美丽 (Shanghai, Rights Activist)
Lan Zhixue 兰志学 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Zhou Jinchang 周锦昌 (Zhejiang, Retiree)
Huang Yanming 黄燕明 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Liu Wei 刘 巍 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Yan Liehan 鄢烈汉 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Chen Defu 陈德富 (Guizhou, Democracy Activist)
Guo Yongxin 郭用新 (Hubei, Doctor)
Guo Yongfeng 郭永丰 (Guangdong, Founder of the Association of Chinese Citizens for Monitoring the Government [中国公民监政会])
Yuan Xinting 袁新亭 (Guangzhou [Guangdong], Editor)
Qi Huimin 戚惠民 (Zhejiang, Democracy Activist)
Li Yu 李 宇 (Sichuan, Journalist)
Xie Fulin 谢福林 (Hunan, Human Rights Defender)
Xu Guang 徐 光 (Zhejiang, Business Owner)
Ye Huo 野 火 (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Zou Wei 邹 巍 (Zhejiang, Rights Activist)
Xiao Libin 萧利彬 (Zhejiang, Engineer)
Gao Haibing 高海兵 (Zhejiang, Democracy Activist)
Tian Qizhuang 田奇庄 (Hebei, Writer)
Deng Taiqing 邓太清 (Shanxi, Democracy Activist)
Pei Hongxin 裴鸿信 (Hebei, Teacher)
Xu Min 徐 民 (Jilin, Legal Professional)
Li Xige李喜阁 (Henan, Rights Activist)
Wang Debang 王德邦 (Beijing, Writer)
Feng Qiusheng 冯秋盛 (Guangdong, Peasant)
Hou Wenbao 侯文豹 (Anhui, Rights Activist)
Tang Jitian 唐吉田 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Liu Rongchao 刘荣超 (Anhui, Peasant)
Li Tianxiang 李天翔 (Henan, Worker)
Cui Yuzhen 崔玉振 (Hebei, Lawyer)
Xu Maolian 许茂连 (Anhui, Peasant)
Zhai Linhua 翟林华 (Anhui, Teacher)
Tao Xiaoxia 陶晓霞 (Anhui, Peasant)
Zhang Wang 张 望 (Fujian, Worker)
Huang Dachuan 黄大川 (Liaoning, Office Worker)
Chen Xiaoyuan 陈啸原 (Hainan, Office Worker)
Zhang Jiankang 张鉴康 (Shaanxi, Legal Professional)
Zhang Xingshui 张星水 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Ma Gangquan 马纲权 (Beijing, Lawyer)
Wang Jinxiang 王金祥 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Wang Jiaying 王家英 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Yan Laiyun 鄢来云 (Hubei, Business Owner)
Li Xiaoming 李小明 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Xiao Shuixiang 肖水祥 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Yan Yuxiang 鄢裕祥 (Hubei, Rights Activist)
Liu Yi 刘 毅 (Beijing, Artist)
Zhang Zhengxiang 张正祥 (Yunnan, Environmental Activist)
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